SofarasJudgeStory\'sargumentisconcerned,thesubjectmightbepermittedtoresthere.Indeed,onewouldbetemptedtothink,fromtheapparentcarelessnessandindifferencewithwhichtheargumentisurged,thathehimselfdidnotattachtoitanyparticularimportance.Itisnothishabittodismissgravematterswithsuchlightexamination,nordoesitconsistwiththecharacterofhismindtobesatisfiedwithreasoningwhichbearsevenadoubtfulrelationtohissubject.NeithercanitbesupposedthathewouldbewillingtorelyonthesimpleipsedixitofChiefJusticeJay,unsupportedbyargument,unsustainedbyanyreferencetohistoricalfacts,andwhollyindefiniteinextentandbearing.Why,then,wasthispassagewritten?Asmerehistory,apartfromitsbearingontheConstitutionoftheUnitedStates,itisofnovalueinthiswork,andiswhollyoutofplace.Alldoubtsuponthissubjectwillberemovedintheprogressofthisexamination.ThegreateffortofJudgeStory,throughouttheentirework,istoestablishthedoctrine,thattheConstitutionoftheUnitedStatesisagovernmentof\"thepeopleoftheUnitedStates,\"ascontradistinguishedfromthepeopleoftheseveralStates;or,inotherwords,thatitisaconsolidated,andnotafederativesystem.Hisconstructionofeverycontestedfederalpowerdependsmainlyuponthisdistinction;andhencethenecessityofestablishingaonenessamongthepeopleoftheseveralcolonies,priortotheRevolution.Itmaywellexciteoursurprise,thatapropositionsonecessarytotheprincipaldesignofthework,shouldbestatedwithsolittleprecision,anddismissedwithsolittleefforttosustainitbyargument.OnesowellinformedasJudgeStory,ofthestateofpoliticalopinionsinthiscountry,couldscarcelyhavesupposedthatitwouldbereceivedasanadmittedtruth,requiringnoexamination.ItenterstoodeeplyintogravequestionsofConstitutionallaw,tobesosummarilydisposedof.Weshouldnotbecontent,therefore,withsimplyprovingthatJudgeStoryhasassignednosufficientreasonfortheopinionhehasadvanced.
Thesubjectdemandsofusthestillfartherproofthathisopinionis,infact,erroneous,andthatitcannotbesustainedbyanyotherreasons.
Inordertoconstitute\"onepeople,\"inapoliticalsense,oftheinhabitantsofdifferentcountries,somethingmoreisnecessarythanthattheyshouldoweacommonallegiancetoacommonsovereign.Neitherisitsufficientthat,insomeparticulars,theyareboundalike,bylawswhichthatsovereign,mayprescribe;nordoesthequestiondependongeographicalrelations.
Theinhabitantsofdifferentislandsmaybeonepeople,andthoseofcontiguouscountriesmaybe,asweknowtheyinfactare,differentnations.Bytheterm\"people,\"ashereused,wedonotmeanmerelyanumberofpersons.
Wemeanbyitapoliticalcorporation,themembersofwhichoweacommonallegiancetoacommonsovereignty,anddonotoweanyallegiancewhichisnotcommon;whoareboundbynolawsexceptsuchasthatsovereigntymayprescribe;whoowetooneanotherreciprocalobligations;whopossesscommonpoliticalinterests;whoareliabletocommonpoliticalduties;
andwhocanexertnosovereignpowerexceptinthenameofthewhole.Anythingshortofthis,wouldbeanimperfectdefinitionofthatpoliticalcorporationwhichwecalla\"people.\"
Testedbythisdefinition,thepeopleoftheAmericancolonieswere,innoconceivablesense,\"onepeople.\"Theyowed,indeed,allegiancetotheBritishKing,astheheadofeachcolonialgovernment,andasformingapartthereof;butthisallegiancewasexclusive,ineachcolony,toitsowngovernment,and,consequently,totheKingastheheadthereof,andwasnotacommonallegianceofthepeopleofallthecolonies,toacommonhead.2Thesecolonialgovernmentswereclothedwiththesovereignpowerofmakinglaws,andofenforcingobediencetothem,fromtheirownpeople.Thepeopleofonecolonyowednoallegiancetothegovernmentofanyothercolony,andwerenotboundbyitslaws.
Thecolonieshadnocommonlegislature,nocommontreasury,nocommonmilitarypower,nocommonjudicatory.Thepeopleofonecolonywerenotliabletopaytaxestoanyothercolony,nortobeararmsinitsdefence;theyhadnorighttovoteinitselections;noinfluencenorcontrolinitsmunicipalgovernment;nointerestinitsmunicipalinstitutions.Therewasnoprescribedformbywhichthecoloniescouldacttogether,foranypurposewhatever;
theywerenotknownas\"onepeople\"inanyonefunctionofgovernment.
Althoughtheywereall,alike,dependenciesoftheBritishCrown,yet,evenintheactionoftheparentcountry,inregardtothem,theywererecognizedasseparateanddistinct.Theywereestablishedatdifferenttimes,andeachunderanauthorityfromtheCrown,whichappliedtoitselfalone.Theywerenotevenalikeintheirorganization.Somewereprovincial,someproprietary,andsomechartergovernments.Eachderiveditsformofgovernmentfromtheparticularinstrumentestablishingit,orfromassumptionsofpoweracquiescedinbytheCrown,withoutanyconnectionwith,orrelationto,anyother.Theystooduponthesamefooting,ineveryrespect,withotherBritishcolonies,withnothingtodistinguishtheirrelationeithertotheparentcountryortooneanother.Thecharterofanyoneofthemmighthavebeendestroyed,withoutinanymanneraffectingtherest.Inpointoffact,thechartersofnearlyallofthemwerealtered,fromtimetotime,andthewholecharacteroftheirgovernmentchanged.Thesechangesweremadeineachcolonyforitselfalone,sometimesbyitsownaction,sometimesbythepowerandauthorityoftheCrown;butneverbythejointagencyofanyothercolony,andneverwithreferencetothewishesordemandsofanyothercolony.Thustheywereseparateanddistinctintheircreation;
separateanddistinctinthechangesandmodificationsoftheirgovernments,whichweremadefromtimetotime;separateanddistinctinpoliticalfunctions,inpoliticalrights,andinpoliticalduties.
TheprovincialgovernmentofVirginiawasthefirstestablished.ThepeopleofVirginiaowedallegiancetotheBritishKing,astheheadoftheirownlocalgovernment.Theauthorityofthatgovernmentwasconfinedwithincertaingeographicallimits,knownasVirginia,andallwholivedwithinthoselimitswere\"onepeople.\"WhenthecolonyofPlymouthwassubsequentlysettled,werethepeopleofthatcolony\"one\"withthepeopleofVirginia?When,longafterwards,theproprietarygovernmentofPennsylvaniawasestablished,werethefollowersofWilliamPenn\"one\"withthepeopleofPlymouthandVirginia?Ifso,towhichgovernmentwastheirallegiancedue?Virginiahadagovernmentofherown,andMassachusettsagovernmentofherown.ThepeopleofPennsylvaniacouldnotbeequallyboundbythelawsofallthreegovernments,becausethoselawsmighthappentoconflict;
theycouldnotowethedutiesofcitizenshiptoallofthemalike,becausetheymightstandinhostilerelationstooneanother.Either,then,thegovernmentofVirginia,whichoriginallyextendedoverthewholeterritory,continuedtobesupremetherein,(subjectonlytoitsdependenceontheBritishCrown),orelseitssupremacywasyieldedtothenewgovernment.
Everyoneknowsthatthislastwasthecase;thatwithintheterritoryofthenewgovernmenttheauthorityofthatgovernmentaloneprevailed.
HowthencouldthepeopleofthisnewgovernmentofPennsylvaniabesaidtobe\"one\"withthepeopleofVirginia,whentheywerenotcitizensofVirginia,owedhernoallegianceandnoduty,andwhentheirallegiancetoanothergovernmentmightplacethemintherelationofenemiesofVirginia?3
Infartherillustrationofthispoint,letussupposethatsomeoneofthecolonieshadrefusedtouniteintheDeclarationofIndependence,whatrelationwoulditthenhaveheldtotheothers?NothavingdisclaimeditsallegiancetotheBritishCrown,itwouldstillhavecontinuedtobeaBritishcolony,subjecttotheauthorityoftheparentcountry,inallrespectsasbefore.Couldtheothercolonieshaverightfullycompelledittounitewiththemintheirrevolutionarypurposes,onthegroundthatitwaspartandparcelofthe\"onepeople,\"knownasthepeopleofthecolonies?Nosuchrightwaseverclaimed,ordreamedof,anditwillscarcelybecontendedfornow,inthefaceoftheknownhistoryofthetime.SuchrecusantcolonywouldhavestoodpreciselyasdidtheCanadas,andeveryotherpartoftheBritishempire.Thecolonies,whichhaddeclaredwar,wouldhaveconsidereditspeopleasenemies,butwouldnothavehadarighttotreatthemastraitors,orasdisobedientcitizensresistingtheirauthority.
Towhatpurpose,then,werethepeopleofthecolonies\"onepeople,\"if,inacasesoimportanttothecommonwelfare,therewasnorightinallthepeopletogether,tocoercethemembersoftheirowncommunitytotheperformanceofacommonduty?
Itisthusapparentthatthepeopleofthecolonieswerenot\"onepeople,\"
astoanypurposeinvolvingallegianceontheonehand,orprotectionontheother.What,then,Iagainask,arethe\"manypurposes\"towhichJudgeStoryalludes?Itiscertainlyincumbentonhimwhoassertsthisidentity,againsttheinferencesmostnaturallydeduciblefromthehistoricalfacts,toshowatwhattime,bywhatprocess,andforwhatpurposes,itwaseffected.
Heclaimstoomuchconsiderationforhispersonalauthority,whenherequireshisreaderstorejecttheplaininformationofhistory,infavorofhisbareassertion.Thechartersofthecoloniesprovenoidentitybetweenthem,butthereverse;andithasalreadybeenshownthatthisidentityisnotthenecessaryresultoftheircommonrelationtothemothercountry.
Bywhatothermeanstheycametobe\"one,\"inanyintelligibleandpoliticalsense,itremainsforJudgeStorytoexplain.
Iftheseviewsofthesubjectbenotconvincing,JudgeStoryhimselfhasfurnishedproof,inallneedfulabundance,oftheincorrectnessofhisownconclusion.Hetellsusthat,\"thoughthecolonieshadacommonorigin,andowedacommonallegiance,andtheinhabitantsofeachwereBritishsubjects,theyhadnodirectpoliticalconnectionwitheachother.
Eachwasindependentofalltheothers;each,inalimitedsense,wassovereignwithinitsownterritory.Therewasneitheralliancenorconfederacybetweenthem.Theassemblyofoneprovincecouldnotmakelawsforanother,norconferprivilegeswhichweretobeenjoyedorexercisedinanother,fartherthantheycouldbeinanyindependentforeignStates.Theywereknownonlyasdependencies,andtheyfollowedthefateoftheparentcountry,bothinpeaceandwar,withouthavingassignedtothem,intheintercourseordiplomacyofnations,anydistinctorindependentexistence.Theydidnotpossessthepowerofforminganyleagueortreatyamongthemselves,whichwouldacquireanobligatoryforce,withouttheassentoftheparentState.
Andthoughtheirmutualwantsandnecessitiesofteninducedthemtoassociateforcommonpurposesofdefense,theseconfederacieswereofacasualandtemporarynature,andwereallowedasanindulgence,ratherthanasaright.
Theymadeseveraleffortstoprocuretheestablishmentofsomegeneralsuperintendinggovernmentoverthemall;buttheirowndifferenceofopinion,aswellasthejealousyoftheCrown,madetheseeffortsabortive.\"
TheEnglishlanguageaffordsnotermsstrongerthanthosewhicharehereusedtoconveytheideaofseparateness,distinctness,andindependence,amongthecolonies.Nocommentarycouldmakethedescriptionplainer,ormorefullandcomplete.Theunity,contendedforbyJudgeStory,nowhereappears,butisdistinctlydisaffirmedineverysentence.Thecolonieswerenotonlydistinctintheircreation,andinthepowersandfacultiesoftheirgovernments,buttherewasnoteven\"anallianceorconfederacybetweenthem.\"Theyhad\"nogeneralsuperintendinggovernmentoverthemall,\"andtriedinvaintoestablishone.Eachwas\"independentofalltheothers,\"havingitsownlegislature,andwithoutpowertoconfereitherrightorprivilegebeyonditsownterritory.\"Each,inalimitedsense,wassovereignwithinitsownterritory\";andtosumupall,inasinglesentence,\"theyhadnodirectpoliticalconnectionwitheachother!\"Theconditionofthecolonieswas,indeed,anomalous,ifJudgeStory\'sviewofitbecorrect.Theypresentedthesingularspectacleof\"onepeople,\"
orpoliticalcorporation,themembersofwhichhad\"nodirectpoliticalconnectionwitheachother,\"andwhohadnotthepowertoformsuchconnection,even\"byleagueortreatyamongthemselves.\"
Thisbriefreviewwill,itisbelieved,besufficienttoconvincethereaderthatJudgeStoryhasgreatlymistakentherealconditionandrelationofthecolonies,insupposingthattheyformed\"onepeople,\"inanysense,orforanypurposewhatever.Heisentitledtocredit,however,forthecandorwithwhichhehasstatedthehistoricalfacts.Apartfromallothersourcesofinformation,hisbookaffordstoeveryreaderabundantmaterialsfortheformationofhisownopinion,andforenablinghimtodecidesatisfactorilywhetherJudgeStory\'sinferencesfromthefacts,whichhehimselfhasstated,bewarrantedbythemornot.CHAPTERIII.RELATIONOFTHECOLONIESTOEACHOTHERDURINGTHEREVOLUTION?nbsp;
THEYWERENOTTHENONEPEOPLE.Intheexecutionoftheseconddivisionofhisplan,verylittlewasrequiredofJudgeStory,eitherasahistorianoracommentator.Accordingly,hehasalludedbutslightlytotheconditionofthecoloniesduringtheexistenceoftherevolutionarygovernment,andhassketchedwithgreatrapidity,yetsufficientlyindetail,therise,declineandfalloftheConfederation.
Evenhere,however,hehasfallenintosomeerrors,andhasventuredtoexpressdecisiveandimportantopinions,withoutduewarrant.Thedesiretomake\"thepeopleoftheUnitedStates\"oneconsolidatednationissostrongandpredominant,thatitbreaksforth,oftenuncalledfor,ineverypartofhiswork.HetellsusthatthefirstCongressoftheRevolutionwas\"ageneraloranationalgovernment\";thatit\"wasorganizedundertheauspicesandwiththeconsentofthepeople,actingdirectlyintheirprimarysovereigncapacity,\"andwithouttheinterventionofthefunctionariestowhomtheordinarypowersofgovernmentweredelegatedinthecolonies.
HeacknowledgesthatthepowersofthisCongresswerebutill-defined;
thatmanyofthemwereexercisedbymereusurpation,andwereacquiescedinbythepeople,onlyfromtheconfidencereposedinthewisdomandpatriotismofitsmembers,andbecausetherewasnoproperopportunity,duringthepresenceofthewar,toraisenicequestionsofthepowersofgovernment.
Andyetheinfers,fromtheexerciseofpowersthusill-defined,and,ingreatpart,usurped,that\"fromthemomentoftheDeclarationofIndependence,ifnotformostpurposesatanantecedentperiod,theunitedcoloniesmustbeconsideredasbeinganationdefacto,\"&c.
Averyslightattentiontothehistoryofthetimeswillplacethissubjectinitstruelight.Thecoloniescomplainedofoppressionsfromthemothercountry,andwereanxioustodevisesomemeansbywhichtheirgrievancesmightberedressed.Thesegrievanceswerecommontoallofthem;
forEnglandmadenodiscriminationbetweentheminthegeneralcourseofhercolonialpolicy.Theirrights,asBritishsubjects,hadneverbeenwelldefined;andsomeofthemostimportantoftheserights,asassertedbythemselves,hadbeendeniedbytheBritishCrown.Asearlyas1765amajorityofthecolonieshadmettogetherincongress,orconvention,inNewYork,forthepurposeofdeliberatingonthesegravemattersofcommonconcernandtheythenmadeaformaldeclarationofwhattheyconsideredtheirrights,ascolonistsandBritishsubjects.Thismeasure,however,ledtonoredressoftheirgrievances.Onthecontrary,thesubsequentmeasuresoftheBritishGovernmentgavenewandjustcausesofcomplaint;
sothat,in1774,itwasdeemednecessarythatthecoloniesshouldagainmeettogether,inordertoconsultupontheirgeneralcondition,andprovideforthesafetyoftheircommonrights.HencetheCongresswhichmetatCarpenters\'Hall,inPhiladelphia,onthe5thofSeptember,1774.ItconsistedofdelegatesfromNewHampshire,MassachusettsBay,RhodeIslandandProvidencePlantations,ConnecticutfromthecityandcountyofNewYork,andothercountiesintheprovinceofNewYork,NewJersey,Pennsylvania,NewCastle,Kent,andSussexinDelaware,Maryland,Virginia,andSouthCarolina.NorthCarolinawasnotrepresenteduntilthe14thSeptember,andGeorgianotatall.ItisalsoapparentthatNewYorkwasnotrepresentedasacolony,butonlythroughcertainportionsofherpeople;4inlikemanner,LymanHallwasadmittedtohisseat,inthesucceedingCongress,asadelegatefromtheparishofSt.John\'s,inGeorgia,althoughhedeclinedtovoteonanyquestionrequiringamajorityofthecoloniestocarryit,becausehewasnottherepresentativeofacolony.ThisCongresspassedavarietyofimportantresolutions,betweenSeptember,1774,andthe22ndOctober,inthesameyear;duringallwhichtimeGeorgiawasnotrepresentedatall;foreventheparishofSt.John\'sdidnotappointarepresentativetillMay,1775.Inpointoffact,theCongresswasadeliberativeandadvisorybody,andnothingmore;and,forthisreason,itwasnotdeemedimportant,or,atleast,notindispensable,thatallthecoloniesshouldberepresented,sincetheresolutionsofCongresshadnoobligatoryforcewhatever.Itwasappointedforthesolepurposeoftakingintoconsiderationthegeneralconditionofthecolonies,andofdevisingandrecommendingpropermeasuresforthesecurityoftheirrightsandinterests.Fortheseobjectsnoprecisepowersandinstructionswerenecessary,andbeyondthemnoneweregiven.
NeitherdoesitappearthatanyprecisetimewasassignedforthedurationofCongress.Thedutywithwhichitwaschargedwasextremelysimple;anditwastakenforgrantedthatitwoulddissolveitselfassoonasthedutyshouldbeperformed.5
ItisperfectlyapparentthatthemereappointmentofthisCongressdidnotmakethepeopleofallthecolonies\"onepeople,\"nora\"nationdefacto.\"Allthecoloniesdidnotuniteintheappointment,neitherascoloniesnorbyanyportionoftheirpeopleactingintheirprimaryassemblies,ashasalreadybeenshown.Thecolonieswerenotindependent,andhadnotevenresolvedtodeclarethemselvessoatanyfuturetime.Onthecontrary,theywereextremelydesiroustopreserveandcontinuetheirconnectionwiththeparentcountry,andCongresswaschargedwiththedutyofdevisingsuchmeasuresaswouldenablethemtodoso,withoutinvolvingasurrenderoftheirrightsasBritishsubjects.Itisequallyclearthatthepowers,withwhichCongresswasclothed,didnotflowfrom,norconstitute\"onepeople,\"or\"nationdefacto,\"andthatthatbodywasnot\"ageneralornationalgovernment,\"noragovernmentofanykindwhatever.TheexistenceofsuchgovernmentwasabsolutelyinconsistentwiththeallegiancewhichthecoloniesstillacknowledgedtotheBritishCrown.JudgeStory,himselfinformsus,inapassagealreadyquoted,thattheyhadnopowertoformsuchgovernment,nortoenterinto\"anyleagueortreatyamongthemselves.\"
Indeed,Congressdidnotclaimanylegislativepowerwhatever,norcouldithavedonesoconsistentlywiththepoliticalrelationswhichthecoloniesstillacknowledgedanddesiredtopreserve.Itsactswereintheformofresolutions,andnotintheformoflaws;itrecommendedtoitsconstituentswhateveritbelievedtobefortheiradvantage,butitcommandednothing.
Eachcolony,andthepeoplethereof,wereatperfectlibertytoactuponsuchrecommendationornot,astheymightthinkproper.6
Onthe22ndOctober,1774,thisCongressdissolveditself,havingrecommendedtotheseveralcoloniestoappointdelegatestoanotherCongress,tobeheldinPhiladelphiainthefollowingMay.Accordinglydelegateswerechosen,astheyhadbeenchosentotheprecedingCongress,eachcolonyandthepeoplethereofactingforthemselves,andbythemselves;
andthedelegatesthuschosenwereclothedwithsubstantiallythesamepowers,forpreciselythesameobjects,asintheformerCongress.Indeed,itcouldnothavebeenotherwise;fortherelationsofthecolonieswerestillunchanged,andanymeasureestablishing\"ageneralornationalgovernment,\"
orunitingthecoloniessoastoconstitutethem\"anationdefacto,\"wouldhavebeenanactofopenrebellion,andwouldhaveseveredatonceallthetieswhichboundthemtothemothercountry,andwhichtheywerestillanxioustopreserve.NewYorkwasrepresentedinthisCongresspreciselyasshehadbeenintheformerone,thatis,bydelegateschosenbyapartofherpeople;fortheroyalpartywassostronginthatcolony,thatitwouldhavebeenimpossibletoobtainfromthelegislatureanexpressionofapprobationofanymeasureofresistancetoBritishauthority.TheaccessionofGeorgiatothegeneralassociationwasnotmadeknowntillthe20thofJuly,andherdelegatesdidnottaketheirseatstillthe13thofSeptember.InthemeantimeCongresshadproceededinthedischargeofitsduties,andsomeofitsmostimportantacts,andamongtheresttheappointmentofacommander-in-chiefoftheirarmies,wereperformedwhilethesetwocolonieswereunrepresented.Itsacts,likethoseoftheformerCongress,wereintheformofresolutionandrecommendation;forasitstillheldoutthehopeofreconciliationwiththeparentcountry,itdidnotventuretoassumethefunctionofauthoritativelegislation.Itcontinuedtoholdthisattitudeandtoactinthismodetillthe4thofJuly,1776,whenitdeclaredthatthecoloniesthererepresented(includingNewYork,whichhadaccededaftertheBattleofLexington),were,andofrightoughttobe,freeandindependentStates.7
Itistoberemarked,thatnonewpowerswereconferredonCongressaftertheDeclarationofIndependence.Strictlyspeaking,theyhadnoauthoritytomakethatDeclaration.Theywerenotappointedforanysuchpurpose,butpreciselythereverse;andalthoughsomeofthemwereexpresslyauthorizedtoagreetoit,yetotherswerenot.Indeed,weareinformedbyMr.Jefferson,thattheDeclarationwasopposedbysomeofthefirmestpatriotsofthebody,andamongtherest,byR.R.Livingston,Dickenson,Wilson,andE.
Rutlege,onthegroundthatitwaspremature;thatthepeopleofNewYork,NewJersey,MarylandandDelawarewerenotyetripeforit,butwouldsoonunitewiththerest,ifnotindiscreetlyurged.Inenteringuponsoboldastep,Congressactedpreciselyastheydidinallothercases,inthenameoftheStateswhoserepresentativestheywere,andwithafullreliancethatthoseStateswouldconfirmwhatevertheymightdoforthegeneralgood.Theywere,strictly,agentsorministersofindependentStates,actingeachundertheauthorityandinstructionsofhisown,State,andhavingnopowerwhatever,exceptwhattheseinstructionsconferred.TheStatesthemselveswerenotboundbytheresolvesofCongress,exceptsofarastheyrespectivelyauthorizedtheirowndelegatestobindthem.Therewasnooriginalgrantofpowerstothatbody,exceptfordeliberationandadvisement;
therewasnoconstitution,nolaw,noagreement,towhichtheycouldrefer,inordertoascertaintheextentoftheirpowers.Themembersdidnotallactunderthesameinstructions,norwiththesameextentofauthority.
ThedifferentStatesgavedifferentinstructions,eachaccordingtoitsownviewsofrightandpolicy,andwithoutreferencetoanygeneralschemetowhichtheywereallboundtoconform.Congresshadinfactnopowerofgovernmentatall,norhaditthatcharacterofpermanencywhichisimpliedintheideaofgovernment.Itcouldnotpassanobligatorylaw,nordeviseanobligatorysanction,byvirtueofanyinherentpowerinitself.
Itwas,asalreadyremarked,preciselythesamebodyaftertheDeclarationofIndependenceasbefore.Asitwasnotthenagovernment,andcouldnotestablishanyneworvalidrelationsbetweenthecolonies,solongastheyacknowledgedthemselvesdependenciesoftheBritishCrown,theycertainlycouldnotdosoaftertheDeclarationofIndependence,withoutsomenewgrantofpower.ThedependentcolonieshadthenbecomeindependentStates;
theirpoliticalconditionandrelationswerenecessarilychangedbythatcircumstance;thedeliberativeandadvisorybody,throughwhomtheyhadconsultedtogetherascolonies,wasfunctusofficio;theauthoritywhichappointedthemhadceasedtoexist,orwassuspendedbyahigherauthority.
Everythingwhichtheydid,afterthisperiodandbeforetheArticlesofConfederation,waswithoutanyotherrightorauthoritythanwhatwasderivedfromthemereconsentandacquiescenceoftheseveralStates.Intheordinarybusinessofthatgovernmentdefacto,whichtheoccasionhadcalledintoexistence,theydidwhateverthepublicinterestseemedtorequire,uponthesecurereliancethattheiractswouldbeapprovedandconfirmed.Inothercases,however,theycalledforspecificgrantsofpower;andinsuchcases,eachrepresentativeappliedtohisownStatealone,andnottoanyotherStateorpeople.Indeed,astheywerecalledintoexistencebythecoloniesin1775,andastheycontinuedinexistence,withoutanynewelectionornewgrantofpower,itisdifficulttoperceivehowtheycouldforma\"generalornationalgovernment,organizedbythepeople.\"
TheywereelectedbysubjectsoftheKingofEngland;subjectswhohadnoright,astheythemselvesadmitted,toestablishanygovernmentwhatever;
andwhenthosesubjectsbecamecitizensofindependentStates,theygavenoinstructionstoestablishanysuchgovernment.Thegovernmentexercisedwas,asalreadyremarked,merelyagovernmentdefacto,andnofartherdejurethanthesubsequentapprovalofitsactsbytheseveralStatesmadeitso.
ThisbriefreviewwillenableustodeterminehowfarJudgeStoryissupportedintheinferenceshehasdrawn,inthepassageslastquoted.
Wehavereasontoregretthatinthese,asinmanyothers,hehasnotbeensufficientlyspecific,eitherinstatinghispropositionorincitinghisproof.Towhatpeopledoesheallude,whenhetellsusthatthe\"firstgeneralornationalgovernment\"wasorganized\"bythepeople?\"
ThefirstandeveryrecommendationtosenddeputiestoageneralCongresswasaddressedtothecoloniesassuch;inthechoiceofthosedeputieseachcolonyactedforitself,withoutminglinginanywaywiththepeopleorgovernmentofanyothercolony;andwhenthedeputiesmetinCongress,theyvotedonallquestionsofpublicandgeneralconcernbycolonies,eachcolonyhavingonevote,whateverwasitspopulationornumberofdeputies.
If,then,thisgovernmentwasorganizedby\"thepeople\"atall,itwasclearlythepeopleoftheseveralcolonies,andnotthejointpeopleofallthecolonies.AndwhereisJudgeStory\'swarrantfortheassertion,thattheyacted\"directlyintheirprimarysovereigncapacity,andwithouttheinterventionofthefunctionaries,towhomtheordinarypowersofgovernmentweredelegatedinthecolonies\"?HeisinmostrespectsaclosefollowerofMarshall,andhecouldscarcelyhavefailedtoseethefollowingpassage,whichisfoundinanoteinthe168thpageofthesecondvolumeoftheLifeofWashington.SpeakingoftheCongressof1774,Marshallsays:
\"ThemembersofthisCongressweregenerallyelectedbytheauthorityofthecoloniallegislatures,butinsomeinstancesadifferentsystemhadbeenpursued.InNewJerseyandMarylandtheelectionsweremadebycommitteeschosenintheseveralcountiesforthatparticularpurpose;andinNewYork,wheretheroyalpartywasverystrong,andwhereitisprobablethatnolegislativeact,authorizinganelectionofmemberstorepresentthatcolonyinCongress,couldhavebeenobtained,thepeoplethemselvesassembledinthoseplaces,wherethespiritofoppositiontotheclaimofParliamentprevailed,andelecteddeputies,whowereveryreadilyreceivedintoCongress,\"
Herethegeneralruleisstatedtobe,thatthedeputieswereelectedbythe\"coloniallegislatures,\"andtheinstancesinwhichthepeopleacted\"directlyintheirprimary,sovereigncapacity,withouttheinterventionoftheordinaryfunctionariesofgovernment,\"aregivenasexceptions.
Andeveninthosecases,inwhichdelegateswereappointedbyconventionsofthepeople,itwasdeemednecessaryinmanyinstances,aswehavealreadyseen,thattheappointmentshouldbeapprovedandconfirmedbytheordinarylegislature,AstoNewYork,neitherherpeoplenorhergovernmenthadsofarlosttheirattachmenttothemothercountryastoconcuranymeasureofoppositionuntilafterthebattleofLexingtoninApril,1775;and,theonlyrepresentativeswhichNewYorkhadintheCongressof1774werethoseofacomparativelysmallportionofherpeople.Itiswellknown?and,indeed,JudgeStoryhimselfsoinformsus?thatthemembersoftheCongressof1775wereelectedsubstantiallyaswerethoseoftheprecedingCongress;sothattherewereveryfewofthecolonies,inwhichthepeopleperformedthatactintheir\"primary,sovereigncapacity,\"withouttheinterventionoftheirconstitutedauthorities.Itisoflittleconsequence,however,tothepresentinquirywhetherthedeputieswerechosenbythecoloniallegislatures,aswasdoneinmostofthecolonies,orbyconventions,aswasdoneinGeorgiaandsomeothers,orbycommitteesappointedforthepurpose,aswasdoneinoneortwoinstances,orbythepeopleinprimaryassemblies,aswasdoneinpartofNewYork.Allthesemodeswereresortedto,accordingastheoneortheotherappearedmostconvenientorproperineachparticularcase.But,whichevermodewasadopted,thememberswerechosenbyeachcolonyinandforitself,andweretherepresentativesofthatcolonyalone,andnotofanyothercolony,oranynationdefactoordejure.Theassertion,therefore,that\"theCongressthusassembledexerciseddefactoanddejureasovereignauthority,notasthedelegatedagentsofthegovernmentdefactoofthecolonies,butinvirtueoftheoriginalpowersderivedfromthepeople,\"is,tosaytheleastofit,verybold,inonewhohadundoubtedlyexploredallthesourcesofinformationuponthesubject.UntiltheadoptionoftheArticlesofConfederation,Congresshadno\"originalpowers,\"exceptonlyfordeliberationandadvisement,andclaimedno\"sovereignauthority\"whatever.Itwasanoccasional,andnotapermanentbody,oronerenewablefromtimetotime.Althoughtheydid,inmanyinstances,\"exercisedefacto\"apoweroflegislationtoacertainextent,yettheyneverheldthatpower\"dejure,\"byanygrantfromthecoloniesorthepeople;andtheactsbecamevalidonlybysubsequentconfirmationofthem,andnotbecausetheyhadanydelegatedauthoritytoperformthem.Thewholehistoryoftheperiodprovesthis,andnotasingleinstancecanbecitedtothecontrary.Thecourseoftherevolutionarygovernmentthroughoutatteststhefact,that,howeverthepeoplemayhaveoccasionallyacted,inpressingemergencies,withouttheinterventionoftheauthoritiesoftheirrespectivecolonialgovernments,theyneverlostsightofthefactthattheywerecitizensofseparatecolonies,andnever,evenimpliedly,surrenderedthatcharacter,oracknowledgedadifferentallegiance.InalltheactsofCongress,referencewashadtothecolonies,andnevertothepeople.Thatbodyhadnopowertoactdirectlyuponthepeople,andcouldnotexecuteitsownresolvesastomostpurposes,exceptbytheaidandinterventionofthecolonialauthorities.Itsmeasureswereadoptedbythevotesofthecoloniesassuch,andnotbytherule,ofmerenumericalmajority.Whichprevailsineverylegislativeassemblyofanentirenation.Thisfactaloneisdecisivetoprove,thatthememberswerenottherepresentativesofthepeopleofallthecolonies,forthejudgmentofeachcolonywaspronouncedbyitsownmembersonly,andnoothershadanyrighttomingleintheirdeliberations.What,then,wasthis\"sovereignauthority?\"Whatwasthenature,whattheextentofits\"originalpowers?\"
Fromwhat\"people\"werethesepowersderived?Ilookinvainforanswerstothesequestionstoanyhistoricalrecordwhichhasyetmetmyview,andhaveonlytoregretthatJudgeStoryhasnotdirectedmetobetterguides.CHAPTERIV.THENATUREANDEXTENTOFPOWERSEXERCISEDBYTHE
REVOLUTIONARYGOVERNMENTDIDNOTMAKETHECOLONIESONEPEOPLE.JudgeStory\'sconclusionisnotbettersustainedbythenatureandextentofthepowersexercisedbytherevolutionarygovernment.Ithasalreadybeenstated,thatnooriginalpowersoflegislationweregrantedtotheCongressesof1774and1775;anditisonlyfromtheiractsthatwecandeterminewhatpowerstheyactuallyexercised.Thecircumstancesunderwhichtheywerecalledintoexistenceprecludedthepossibilityofanypreciselimitationsoftheirpowers,evenifithadbeendesignedtoclothethemwiththefunctionsofgovernment.Thecoloniesweresufferingundercommonoppressions,andwerethreatenedwithcommondangers,fromthemothercountry.Thegreatobjectwhichtheyhadinviewwastoproducethatconcertofactionamongthemselveswhichwouldbestenablethemtoresisttheircommonenemy,andbestsecurethesafetyandlibertiesofall.Greatconfidencemustnecessarilybereposedinpublicrulersundercircumstancesofthissort.Wemaywellsuppose,therefore,thattherevolutionarygovernmentexercisedeverypowerwhichappearedtobenecessaryforthesuccessfulprosecutionofthegreatcontestinwhichtheywereengaged;andwemay,withequalpropriety,supposethatneitherthepeoplenorthecolonialgovernmentsfeltanydispositiontoscrutinizeverynarrowlyanymeasurewhichpromisedprotectionandsafetytothemselves.Theyknewthatthegovernmentwastemporaryonly;thatitwaspermittedonlyforaparticularandtemporaryobject,andthattheycouldatanytimerecallanyandeverypowerwhichithadassumed.Itwouldbeaviolentandforcedinference,fromthepowersofsuchanagency,(forwasnotagovernment,althoughIhavesometimes,forconvenience,calleditso),howevergreattheymightbe,tosaythatthepeople,orStates,whichestablishedit,meanttherebytometheirdistinctivecharacter,tomergetheirdistinctivecharacter,tosurrenderalltherightsandprivilegeswhichbelongedtothemasseparatecommunities,andtoconsolidatethemselvesintoonenation.
Inpointoffact,however,therewasnothinginthepowers,exercisedbytherevolutionarygovernment,sofarastheycanbeknownfromtheiracts,inconsistentwiththeperfectsovereigntyandindependenceoftheStates.Thesewerealwaysadmittedinterms,andwereneverdeniedinpractice.
Sofarasexternalrelationswereconcerned,Congressseemstohaveexercisedeverypowerofasupremegovernment.Theyassumedtherightto\"declarewarandtomakepeace;toauthorizecaptures;toinstituteappellateprizecourts;todirectandcontrolallnationalmilitaryandnavaloperations;
toformalliancesandmaketreaties;tocontractdebtsandissuebillsofcreditonnationalaccount.\"Thesepowerswerenot\"exclusive,\"however,asourauthorsupposes.Onthecontrary,troopswereraised,vesselsofwarwerecommissioned,andvariousmilitaryoperationswereconductedbythecolonies,ontheirownseparatemeansandauthority.TiconderogawastakenbythetroopsofConnecticutbeforetheDeclarationofIndependence;
MassachusettsandConnecticutfittedoutarmedvesselstocruiseagainstthoseofEngland,inOctober,1775;SouthCarolinasoonfollowedtheirexample.In1776,NewHampshireauthorizedherexecutivetoissuelettersofmarqueandreprisal.
Theseinstancesareselectedoutofmany,assufficienttoshowthatintheconductofthewarCongresspossessedno\"exclusive\"power,andthecolonies(orStates)retained,andactuallyasserted,theirownsovereignrightandpowerastothatmatter.Andnotastothatmatteralone,forNewHampshireestablishedpostoffices.Thewordsofourauthormay,indeed,importthatthepowerofCongressoverthesubjectofwarwas\"exclusive\"
onlyastosuchmilitaryandnavaloperationsasheconsidersnational,thatis,suchaswereundertakenbythejointpowerofallthecolonies;
and,ifso,heiscorrect.Butthecommaaftertheword\"national\"suggestsadifferentinterpretation.Atallevents,thefactswhichIhavementionedprovethatCongressexercisednopowerwhichwasconsideredasabridgingtheabsolutesovereigntyandindependenceoftheStates.
Manyofthosepowerswhich,forgreaterconvenience,wereentrustedexclusivelytoCongress,couldnotbeeffectuallyexertedexceptbytheaidoftheStateauthorities.ThetroopsrequiredbyCongresswereraisedbytheStates,andthecommissionsoftheirofficerswerecountersignedbytheGovernorsoftheStates.Congresswereallowedtoissuebillsofcredit,buttheycouldnotmakethemalegaltender,norpunishthecounterfeiterofthem.NeithercouldtheybindtheStatestoredeemthem,norraisebytheirownauthoritythenecessaryfundsforthepurpose.Congressreceivedambassadorsandotherpublicministers,yettheyhadnopowertoextendtothemthatprotectionwhichtheyreceivefromthegovernmentofeveryforeignnation.AmanbythenameofDeLongchampsenteredthehouseoftheFrenchMinisterPlenipotentiaryinPhiladelphia,andtherethreatenedviolencetothepersonofFrancisBarbeMarboise,SecretaryoftheFrenchLegation,ConsulGeneralofFrance,andConsulfortheStateofPennsylvania;
heafterwardsassaultedandbeathiminthepublicstreet.Forthisoffence,hewasindictedandtriedintheCourtofOyerandTerminerofPhiladelphia,andpunishedunderitssentence.Thecaseturnedchieflyuponthelawofnations,withreferencetotheprotectionwhichitaffordstoforeignministers.
