OftheoriginofgovernmentNothingismorecertain，thanthatmenare，inagreatmeasure，govern’dbyinterest，andthatevenwhentheyextendtheirconcernbeyondthemselves，`usnottoanygreatdistance；norisitusualforthem，incommonlife，tolookfartherthantheirnearestfriendsandacquaintance。`Tisnolesscertain，that`tisimpossibleformentoconsult，theirinterestinsoeffectualamanner，asbyanuniversalandinflexibleobservanceoftherulesofjustice，bywhichalonetheycanpreservesociety，andkeepthemselvesfromfallingintothatwretchedandsavagecondition，whichiscommonlyrepresentedasthestateofnature。Andasthisinterest，whichallmenhaveintheupholdingofsociety，andtheobservationoftherulesofjustice，isgreat，soisitpalpableandevident，eventothemostrudeanduncultivatedofhumanrace；and`tisalmostimpossibleforanyone，whohashadexperienceofsociety，tobemistakeninthisparticular。Since，therefore，menaresosincerelyattach’dtotheirinterest，andtheirinterestissomuchconcern’dintheobservanceofjustice，andthisinterestissocertainandavow’d；itmaybeask’d，howanydisordercan。everariseinsociety，andwhatprinciplethereisinhumannaturesopowerfulastoovercomesostrongapassion，orsoviolentastoobscuresoclearaknowledge？
Ithasbeenobserv’d，intreatingofthepassions，thatmenaremightilygovern’dbytheimagination，andproportiontheiraffectionsmoretothelight，underwhichanyobjectappearstothem，thantoitsrealandintrinsicvalue。Whatstrikesuponthemwithastrongandlivelyideacommonlyprevailsabovewhatliesinamoreobscurelight；anditmustbeagreatsuperiorityofvalue，thatisabletocompensatethisadvantage。Nowaseverything，thatiscontiguoustous，eitherinspaceortime，strikesuponuswithsuchanidea，ithasaproportionaleffectonthewillandpassions，andcommonlyoperateswithmoreforcethananyobject，thatliesinamoredistantandobscurelight。Tho’wemaybefullyconvinc’d，thatthelatterobjectexcelstheformer，wearenotabletoregulateouractionsbythisjudgment；butyieldtothesollicitationsofourpassions，whichalwayspleadinfavourofwhateverisnearandcontiguous。
Thisisthereasonwhymensooftenactincontradictiontotheirknowninterest；andinparticularwhytheypreferanytrivialadvantage，thatispresent，tothemaintenanceoforderinsociety，whichsomuchdependsontheobservanceofjustice。Theconsequencesofeverybreachofequityseemtolieveryremote，andarenotabletocounter-ballanceanyimmediateadvantage，thatmaybereap’dfromit。Theyare，however，neverthelessrealforbeingremote；andasallmenare，insomedegree，subjecttothesameweakness，itnecessarilyhappens，thattheviolationsofequitymustbecomeveryfrequentinsociety，andthecommerceofmen，bythatmeans，berender’dverydangerousanduncertain。Youhavethesamepropension，thatIhave，infavourofwhatiscontiguousabovewhatisremote。Youare，therefore，naturallycarriedtocommitactsofinjusticeaswellasme。Yourexamplebothpushesmeforwardinthiswaybyimitation，andalsoaffordsmeanewreasonforanybreachofequity，byshewingme，thatIshouldbethecullyofmyintegrity，ifIaloneshou’dimposeonmyselfasevererestraintamidstthelicentiousnessofothers。
Thisquality，therefore，ofhumannature，notonlyisverydangeroustosociety，butalsoseems，onacursoryview，tobeincapableofanyremedy。Theremedycanonlycomefromtheconsentofmen；andifmenbeincapableofthemselvestopreferremotetocontiguous，theywillneverconsenttoanything，whichwou’dobligethemtosuchachoice，andcontradict，insosensibleamanner，theirnaturalprinciplesandpropensities。Whoeverchusesthemeans，chusesalsotheend；andifitbeimpossibleforustopreferwhatisremote，`tisequallyimpossibleforustosubmittoanynecessity，whichwou’dobligeustosuchamethodofacting。
Buthere`tisobservable，thatthisinfirmityofhumannaturebecomesaremedytoitself，andthatweprovideagainstournegligenceaboutremoteobjects，merelybecausewearenaturallyinclin’dtothatnegligence。Whenweconsideranyobjectsatadistance，alltheirminutedistinctionsvanish，andwealwaysgivethepreferencetowhateverisinitselfpreferable，withoutconsideringitssituationandcircumstances。Thisgivesrisetowhatinanimpropersensewecallreason，whichisaprinciple，thatisoftencontradictorytothosepropensitiesthatdisplaythemselvesupontheapproachoftheobject。Inreflectingonanyaction，whichIamtoperformatwelve-monthhence，Ialwaysresolvetopreferthegreatergood，whetheratthattimeitwillbemorecontiguousorremote；nordoesanydifferenceinthatparticularmakeadifferenceinmypresentintentionsandresolutions。Mydistancefromthefinaldeterminationmakesallthoseminutedifferencesvanish，noramIaffectedbyanything，butthegeneralandmorediscerniblequalitiesofgoodandevil。Butonmynearerapproach，thosecircumstances，whichIatfirstover-look’d，begintoappear，andhaveaninfluenceonmyconductandaffections。Anewinclinationtothepresentgoodspringsup，andmakesitdifficultformetoadhereinflexiblytomyfirstpurposeandresolution。ThisnaturalinfirmityImayverymuchregret，andImayendeavour，byallpossiblemeans，tofreemyselffromit。Imayhaverecoursetostudyandreflectionwithinmyself；totheadviceoffriends；tofrequentmeditation，andrepeatedresolution:Andhavingexperienc’dhowineffectualalltheseare，Imayembracewithpleasureanyotherexpedient，bywhichImayimposearestraintuponmyself，andguardagainstthisweakness。
Theonlydifficulty，therefore，istofindoutthisexpedient，bywhichmencuretheirnaturalweakness，andlaythemselvesunderthenecessityofobservingthelawsofjusticeandequity，notwithstandingtheirviolentpropensiontoprefercontiguoustoremote。`Tisevidentsucharemedycanneverbeeffectualwithoutcorrectingthispropensity；andas`tisimpossibletochangeorcorrectanythingmaterialinournature，theutmostwecandoistochangeourcircumstancesandsituation，andrendertheobservanceofthelawsofjusticeournearestinterest，andtheirviolationourmostremote。Butthisbeingimpracticablewithrespecttoallmankind，itcanonlytakeplacewithrespecttoafew，whomwethusimmediatelyinterestintheexecutionofjustice。Therearethepersons，whomwecallcivilmagistrates，kingsandtheirministers，ourgovernorsandrulers，whobeingindifferentpersonstothegreatestpartofthestate，havenointerest，orbutaremoteone，inanyactofinjustice；andbeingsatisfiedwiththeirpresentcondition，andwiththeirpartinsociety，haveanimmediateinterestineveryexecutionofjustice，whichissonecessarytotheupholdingofsociety。Herethenistheoriginofcivilgovernmentandsociety。Menarenotableradicallytocure，eitherinthemselvesorothers，thatnarrownessofsoul，whichmakesthempreferthepresenttotheremote。Theycannotchangetheirnatures。Alltheycandoistochangetheirsituation，andrendertheobservanceofjusticetheimmediateinterestofsomeparticularpersons，anditsviolationtheirmoreremote。Thesepersons，then，arenotonlyinduc’dtoobservethoserulesintheirownconduct，butalsotoconstrainotherstoalikeregularity，andinforcethedictatesofequitythro’thewholesociety。Andifitbenecessary，theymayalsointerestothersmoreimmediatelyintheexecutionofjustice，andcreateanumberofofficers，civilandmilitary，toassistthemintheirgovernment。
Butthisexecutionofjustice，tho’theprincipal，isnottheonlyadvantageofgovernment。Asviolentpassionhindermenfromseeingdistinctlytheinteresttheyhaveinanequitablebehaviourtowardsothers；soithindersthemfromseeingthatequityitself，andgivesthemaremarkablepartialityintheirownfavours。Thisinconvenienceiscorrectedinthesamemannerasthatabove-mention’d。Thesamepersons，whoexecutethelawsofjustice，wrnalsodecideallcontroversiesconcerningthem；andbeingindifferenttothegreatestpartofthesociety，willdecidethemmoreequitablythaneveryonewou’dinhisowncase。
Bymeansofthesetwoadvantages，intheexecutionanddecisionofjustice，menacquireasecurityagainsteachothersweaknessandpassion，aswellasagainsttheirown，andundertheshelteroftheirgovernors，begintotasteateasethesweetsofsocietyandmutualassistance。Butgovernmentextendsfartheritsbeneficialinfluence；andnotcontentedtoprotectmeninthoseconventionstheymakefortheirmutualinterest，itoftenobligesthemtomakesuchconventions，andforcesthemtoseektheirownadvantage，byaconcurrenceinsomecommonendorpurpose。Thereisnoqualityinhumannature，whichcausesmorefatalerrorsinourconduct，thanthatwhichleadsustopreferwhateverispresenttothedistantandremote，andmakesusdesireobjectsmoreaccordingtotheirsituationthantheirintrinsicvalue。Twoneighboursmayagreetodrainameadow，whichtheypossessincommon；because`tiseasyforthemtoknoweachothersmind；andeachmustperceive，thattheimmediateconsequenceofhisfailinginhispart，is，theabandoningthewholeproject。But`tisverydifficult，andindeedimpossible，thatathousandpersonsshou’dagreeinanysuchaction；itbeingdifficultforthemtoconcertsocomplicatedadesign，andstillmoredifficultforthemtoexecuteit；whileeachseeksapretexttofreehimselfofthetroubleandexpence，andwou’dlaythewholeburdenonothers。Politicalsocietyeasilyremediesboththeseinconveniences。Magistratesfindanimmediateinterestintheinterestofanyconsiderablepartoftheirsubjects。Theyneedconsultnobodybutthemselvestoformanyschemeforthepromotingofthatinterest。Andasthefailureofanyonepieceintheexecutionisconnected，tho’notimmediately，withthefailureofthewhole，theypreventthatfailure，becausetheyfindnointerestinit，eitherimmediateorremote。Thusbridgesarebuilt；harboursopen’d；rampartsrais’d；canalsform’d；fleetsequip’d；andarmiesdisciplin’deverywhere，bythecareofgovernment，which，tho’compos’dofmensubjecttoallhumaninfirmities，becomes，byoneofthefinestandmostsubtleinventionsimaginable，acomposition，whichis，insomemeasure，exemptedfromalltheseinfirmities。
OfthesourceofallegianceThoughgovernmentbeaninventionveryadvantageous，andeveninsomecircumstancesabsolutelynecessarytomankind；itisnotnecessaryinallcircumstances，norisitimpossibleformentopreservesocietyforsometime，withouthavingrecoursetosuchaninvention。Men，`tistrue，arealwaysmuchinclin’dtopreferpresentinteresttodistantandremote；norisiteasyforthemtoresistthetemptationofanyadvantage，thattheymayimmediatelyenjoy，inapprehensionofanevilthatliesatadistancefromthem:Butstillthisweaknessislessconspicuouswherethepossessions，andthepleasuresoflifearefew，andoflittlevalue，astheyalwaysareintheinfancyofsociety。AnIndianisbutlittletemptedtodispossessanotherofhishut，ortostealhisbow，asbeingalreadyprovidedofthesameadvantages；andastoanysuperiorfortune，whichmayattendoneaboveanotherinhuntingandfishing，`tisonlycasualandtemporary，andwillhavebutsmalltendencytodisturbsociety。AndsofaramIfromthinkingwithsomephilosophers，thatmenareutterlyincapableofsocietywithoutgovernment，thatIassertthefirstrudimentsofgovernmenttoarisefromquarrels，notamongmenofthesamesociety，butamongthoseofdifferentsocieties。Alessdegreeofricheswillsufficetothislattereffect，thanisrequisitefortheformer。Menfearnothingfrompublicwarandviolencebuttheresistancetheymeetwith，which，becausetheyshareitincommon，seemslessterrible；andbecauseitcomesfromstrangers，seemslessperniciousinitsconsequences，thanwhentheyareexpos’dsinglyagainstonewhosecommerceisadvantageoustothem，andwithoutwhosesociety`tisimpossibletheycansubsist。Nowforeignwartoasocietywithoutgovernmentnecessarilyproducescivilwar。Throwanyconsiderablegoodsamongmen，theyinstantlyfallaquarrelling，whileeachstrivestogetpossessionofwhatpleaseshim，withoutregardtotheconsequences。Inaforeignwarthemostconsiderableofallgoods，lifeandlimbs，areatstake；andaseveryoneshunsdangerousports，seizesthebestarms，seeksexcusefortheslightestwounds，thelaws，whichmaybewellenoughobserv’dwhilemenwerecalm，cannownolongertakeplace，whentheyareinsuchcommotion。
ThiswefindverifiedintheAmericantribes，wheremenliveinconcordandamityamongthemselveswithoutanyestablish’dgovernmentandneverpaysubmissiontoanyoftheirfellows，exceptintimeofwar，whentheircaptainenjoysashadowofauthority，whichhelosesaftertheirreturnfromthefield，andtheestablishmentofpeacewiththeneighbouringtribes。Thisauthority，however，instructsthemintheadvantagesofgovernment，andteachesthemtohaverecoursetoit，wheneitherbythepillageofwar，bycommerce，orbyanyfortuitousinventions，theirrichesandpossessionshavebecomesoconsiderableastomakethemforget，oneveryemergence，theinteresttheyhaveinthepreservationofpeaceandjustice。Hencewemaygiveaplausiblereason，amongothers，whyallgovernmentsareatfirstmonarchical，withoutanymixtureandvariety；andwhyrepublicsariseonlyfromtheabusesofmonarchyanddespoticpower。Campsarethetruemothersofcities；andaswarcannotbeadministered，byreasonofthesuddennessofeveryexigency，withoutsomeauthorityinasingleperson，thesamekindofauthoritynaturallytakesplaceinthatcivilgovernment，whichsucceedsthemilitary。AndthisreasonItaketobemorenatural，thanthecommononederiv’dfrompatriarchalgovernment，ortheauthorityofafather，whichissaidfirsttotakeplaceinonefamily，andtoaccustomthemembersofittothegovernmentofasingleperson。Thestateofsocietywithoutgovernmentisoneofthemostnaturalstatesofmen，andmustsubmitwiththeconjunctionofmanyfamilies，andlongafterthefirstgeneration。Nothingbutanencreaseofrichesandpossessionscou’dobligementoquitit；andsobarbarousanduninstructedareallsocietiesontheirfirstformation，thatmanyyearsmustelapsebeforethesecanencreasetosuchadegree，astodisturbmenintheenjoymentofpeaceandconcord。Buttho’itbepossibleformentomaintainasmalluncultivatedsocietywithoutgovernment，`tisimpossibletheyshou’dmaintainasocietyofanykindwithoutjustice，andtheobservanceofthosethreefundamentallawsconcerningthestabilityofpossession，itstranslationbyconsent，andtheperformanceofpromises。Theseare，therefore，antecedenttogovernment，andaresuppos’dtoimposeanobligationbeforethedutyofallegiancetocivilmagistrateshasoncebeenthoughtof。Nay，Ishallgofarther，andassert，thatgovernment，uponitsfirstestablishment，wou’dnaturallybesuppos’d。toderiveitsobligationfromthoselawsofnature，and，inparticular，fromthatconcerningtheperformanceofpromises。Whenmenhaveonceperceiv’dthenecessityofgovernmenttomaintainpeace，andexecutejustice，theywou’dnaturallyassembletogether，wou’dchusemagistrates，determinepower，andpromisethemobedience。Asapromiseissuppos’dtobeabondorsecurityalreadyinuse，andattendedwithamoralobligation，`tistobeconsider’dastheoriginalsanctionofgovernment，andasthesourceofthefirstobligationtoobedience。Thisreasoningappearssonatural，thatithasbecomethefoundationofourfashionablesystemofpolitics，andisinamannerthecreedofapartyamongstus，whopridethemselves，withreason，onthesoundnessoftheirphilosophy，andtheirlibertyofthought。Allmen，saythey，arebornfreeandequal:Governmentandsuperioritycanonlybeestablish’dbyconsent:Theconsentofmen，inestablishinggovernment，imposesonthemanewobligation，unknowntothelawsofnature。Men，therefore，areboundtoobeytheirmagistrates，onlybecausetheypromiseit；andiftheyhadnotgiventheirword，eitherexpresslyortacitly，topreserveallegiance，itwouldneverhavebecomeapartoftheirmoralduty。Thisconclusion，however，whencarriedsofarastocomprehendgovernmentinallitsagesandsituations，isentirelyerroneous；andImaintain，thattho’thedutyofallegiancebeatfirstgraftedontheobligationofpromises，andbeforsometimesupportedbythatobligation，yetitquicklytakesrootofitself，andhasanoriginalobligationandauthority，independentofallcontracts。Thisisaprincipleofmoment，whichwemustexaminewithcareandattention，beforeweproceedanyfarther。
Tisreasonableforthosephilosophers，whoassertjusticetobeanaturalvirtue，andantecedenttohumanconventions，toresolveallcivilallegianceintotheobligationofapromise，andassertthat`tisourownconsentalone，whichbindsustoanysubmissiontomagistracy。Forasallgovernmentisplainlyaninventionofmen，andtheoriginofmostgovernmentsisknowninhistory，`tisnecessarytomounthigher，inordertofindthesourceofourpoliticalduties，ifwewou’dassertthemtohaveanynaturalobligationofmorality。Thesephilosophers，therefore，quicklyobserve，thatsocietyisasantientasthehumanspecies，andthosethreefundamentallawsofnatureasantientassociety:Sothattakingadvantageoftheantiquity，andobscureoriginoftheselaws，theyfirstdenythemtobeartificialandvoluntaryinventionsofmen，andthenseektoingraftonthemthoseotherduties，whicharemoreplainlyartificial。Butbeingonceundeceiv’dinthisparticular，andhavingfoundthatnatural，aswellasciviljustice，derivesitsoriginfromhumanconventions，weshallquicklyperceive，howfruitlessitistoresolvetheoneintotheother，andseek，inthelawsofnature，astrongerfoundationforourpoliticaldutiesthaninterest，andhumanconventions；whiletheselawsthemselvesarebuiltontheverysamefoundation。Onwhicheversideweturnthissubject，weshallfind，thatthesetwokindsofdutyareexactlyonthesamefooting，andhavethesamesourcebothoftheirfirstinventionandmoralobligation。Theyarecontriv’dtoremedylikeinconveniences，andacquiretheirmoralsanctioninthesamemanner，fromtheirremedyingthoseinconveniences。Thesearetwopoints，whichweshallendeavourtoproveasdistinctlyaspossible。
Wehavealreadyshewn，thatmeninventedthethreefundamentallawsofnature，whentheyobserv’dthenecessityofsocietytotheirmutualsubsistance，andfound，that`twasimpossibletomaintainanycorrespondencetogether，withoutsomerestraintontheirnaturalappetites。Thesameself-love，therefore，whichrendersmensoincommodioustoeachother，takinganewandmoreconvenientdirection，producestherulesofjustice，andisthefirstmotiveoftheirobservance。Butwhenmenhaveobserv’d，thattho’therulesofjusticebesufficienttomaintainanysociety，yet`tisimpossibleforthem，ofthemselves，toobservethoserules，inlargeandpolish’dsocieties；theyestablishgovernment，asanewinventiontoattaintheirends，andpreservetheold，orprocurenewadvantages，byamorestrictexecutionofjustice。Sofar，therefore，ourcivildutiesareconnectedwithournatural，thattheformerareinventedchieflyforthesakeofthelatter；andthattheprincipalobjectofgovernmentistoconstrainmentoobservethelawsofnature。Inthisrespect，however，thatlawofnature，concerningtheperformanceofpromises，isonlycompriz’dalongwiththerest；anditsexactobservanceistobeconsider’dasaneffectoftheinstitutionofgovernment，andnottheobediencetogovernmentasaneffectoftheobligationofapromise。Tho’theobjectofourcivildutiesbetheenforcingofournatural，yetthefirst(13)motiveoftheinvention，aswellasperformanceofboth，isnothingbutself-interest:Andsincethereisaseparateinterestintheobediencetogovernment，fromthatintheperformanceofpromises，wemustalsoallowofaseparateobligation。Toobeythecivilmagistrateisrequisitetopreserveorderandconcordinsociety。Toperformpromisesisrequisitetobegetmutualtrustandconfidenceinthecommonofficesoflife。Theends，aswellasthemeans，areperfectlydistinct；noristheonesubordinatetotheother。
Tomakethismoreevident，letusconsider，thatmenwrnoftenbindthemselvesbypromisestotheperformanceofwhatitwou’dhavebeentheirinteresttoperform，independentofthesepromises；aswhentheywou’dgiveothersafullersecurity，bysuper-addinganewobligationofinteresttothatwhichtheyformerlylayunder。Theinterestintheperformanceofpromises，besidesitsmoralobligation，isgeneral，avow’d，andofthelastconsequenceinlife。Otherinterestsmaybemoreparticularanddoubtful；andweareapttoentertainagreatersuspicion，thatmenmayindulgetheirhumour，orpassion，inactingcontrarytothem。Here，therefore，promisescomenaturallyinplay，andareoftenrequir’dforfullersatisfactionandsecurity。Butsupposingthoseotherintereststobeasgeneralandavow’dastheinterestintheperformanceofapromise，theywillberegardedasonthesamefooting，andmenwillbegintoreposethesameconfidenceinthem。Nowthisisexactlythecasewithregardtoourcivilduties，orobediencetothemagistrate；withoutwhichnogovernmentcou’dsubsist，noranypeaceororderbemaintain’dinlargesocieties，wheretherearesomanypossessionsontheonehand，andsomanywants，realorimaginary，ontheother。Ourcivilduties，therefore，mustsoondetachthemselvesfromourpromises，andacquireaseparateforceandinfluence。Theinterestinbothisoftheverysamekind:`Tisgeneral，avow’d，andprevailsinalltimesandplaces。Thereis，then，nopretextofreasonforfoundingtheoneupontheother；whileeachofthemhasafoundationpeculiartoitself。Wemightaswellresolvetheobligationtoabstainfromthepossessionsofothers，intotheobligationofapromise，asthatofallegiance。Theinterestsarenotmoredistinctintheonecasethantheother。Aregardtopropertyisnotmorenecessarytonaturalsociety，thanobedienceistocivilsocietyorgovernment；noristheformersocietymorenecessarytothebeingofmankind，thanthelattertotheirwell-beingandhappiness。Inshort，iftheperformanceofpromisesbeadvantageous，soisobediencetogovernment:Iftheformerinterestbegeneral，soisthelatter:Iftheoneinterestbeobviousandavow’d，soistheother。Andasthesetworulesarefoundedonlikeobligationsofinterest，eachofthemmusthaveapeculiarauthority，independentoftheother。
But`tisnotonlythenaturalobligationsofinterest，whicharedistinctinpromisesandallegiance；butalsothemoralobligationsofhonourandconscience:Nordoesthemeritordemeritoftheonedependintheleastuponthatoftheother。Andindeed，ifweconsiderthecloseconnexionthereisbetwixtthenaturalandmoralobligations，weshallfindthisconclusiontobeentirelyunavoidable。Ourinterestisalwaysengag’donthesideofobediencetomagistracy；andthereisnothingbutagreatpresentadvantage，thatcanleadustorebellion，bymakingusover-looktheremoteinterest，whichwehaveinthepreservingofpeaceandorderinsociety。Buttho’apresentinterestmaythusblinduswithregardtoourownactions，ittakesnotplacewithregardtothoseofothers；norhindersthemfromappearingintheirtruecolours，ashighlyprejudicialtopublicinterest，andtoourowninparticular。Thisnaturallygivesusanuneasiness，inconsideringsuchseditiousanddisloyalactions，andmakesusattachtothemtheideaofviceandmoraldeformity。`Tisthesameprinciple，whichcausesustodisapproveofallkindsofprivateinjustice，andinparticularofthebreachofpromises。Weblamealltreacheryandbreachoffaith；becauseweconsider，thatthefreedomandextentofhumancommercedependentirelyonafidelitywithregardtopromises。Weblamealldisloyaltytomagistrates；becauseweperceive，thattheexecutionofjustice，inthestabilityofpossession，itstranslationbyconsent，andtheperformanceofpromises，isimpossible，withoutsubmissiontogovernment。Asthereareheretwointerestsentirelydistinctfromeachother，theymustgiverisetotwomoralobligations，equallyseparateandindependent。Tho’therewasnosuchthingasapromiseintheworld，governmentwou’dstillbenecessaryinalllargeandciviliz’dsocieties；andifpromiseshadonlytheirownproperobligation，withouttheseparatesanctionofgovernment，theywou’dhavebutlittleefficacyinsuchsocieties。Thisseparatestheboundariesofourpublicandprivateduties，andshewsthatthelatteraremoredependantontheformer，thantheformeronthelatter。Education，andtheartificeofpoliticians，concurtobestowafarthermoralityonloyalty，andtobrandallrebellionwithagreaterdegreeofguiltandinfamy。Norisitawonder，thatpoliticiansshou’dbeveryindustriousininculcatingsuchnotions，wheretheirinterestissoparticularlyconcern’d。
Lestthoseargumentsshou’dnotappearentirelyconclusive(asIthinktheyare)Ishallhaverecoursetoauthority，andshallprove，fromtheuniversalconsentofmankind，thattheobligationofsubmissiontogovernmentisnotderiv’dfromanypromiseofthesubjects。Norneedanyonewonder，thattho’Ihaveallalongendeavour’dtoestablishmysystemonpurereason，andhavescarceevercitedthejudgmentevenofphilosophersorhistoriansonanyarticle，Ishou’dnowappealtopopularauthority，andopposethesentimentsoftherabbletoanyphilosophicalreasoning。Foritmustbeobserv’d，thattheopinionsofmen，inthiscase，carrywiththemapeculiarauthority，andare，inagreatmeasure，infallible。Thedistinctionofmoralgoodandevilisfoundedonthepleasureorpain，whichresultsfromtheviewofanysentiment，orcharacter；andasthatpleasureorpaincannotbeunknowntothepersonwhofeelsit，itfollows，(14)thatthereisjustsomuchviceorvirtueinanycharacter，aseveryoneplacesinit，andthat`tisimpossibleinthisparticularwecaneverbemistaken。Andtho’ourjudgmentsconcerningtheoriginofanyviceorvirtue，benotsocertainasthoseconcerningtheirdegrees；yet，sincethequestioninthiscaseregardsnotanyphilosophicaloriginofanobligation，butaplainmatteroffact，`tisnoteasilyconceiv’dhowwecanfallintoanerror。Aman，whoacknowledgeshimselftobeboundtoanother，foracertainsum，mustcertainlyknowwhetheritbebyhisownbond，orthatofhisfather；whetheritbeofhismeregood-will，orformoneylenthim；andunderwhatconditions，andforwhatpurposeshehasboundhimself。Inlikemanner，itbeingcertain，thatthereisamoralobligationtosubmittogovernment，becauseeveryonethinksso；itmustbeascertain，thatthisobligationarisesnotfromapromise；sincenoone，whosejudgmenthasnotbeenledastraybytoostrictadherencetoasystemofphilosophy，haseveryetdreamtofascribingittothatorigin。Neithermagistratesnorsubjectshaveform’dthisideaofourcivilduties。
Wefind，thatmagistratesaresofarfromderivingtheirauthority，andtheobligationtoobedienceintheirsubjects，fromthefoundationofapromiseororiginalcontract，thattheyconceal，asfaraspossible，fromtheirpeople，especiallyfromthevulgar，thattheyhavetheiroriginfromthence。Werethisthesanctionofgovernment，ourrulerswou’dneverreceiveittacitly，whichistheutmostthatcanbepretended；sincewhatisgiventacitlyandinsensiblycanneverhavesuchinfluenceonmankind，aswhatisperform’dexpresslyandopenly。Atacitpromiseis，wherethewillissignifiedbyothermorediffusesignsthanthoseofspeech；butawilltheremustcertainlybeinthecase，andthatcanneverescapetheperson’snotice，whoexertedit，howeversilentortacit。Butwereyoutoaskthefargreatestpartofthenation，whethertheyhadeverconsentedtotheauthorityoftheirrulers，orpromis’dtoobeythem，theywou’dbeinclin’dtothinkverystrangelyofyou；andwou’dcertainlyreply，thattheaffairdependednotontheirconsent，butthattheywereborntosuchanobedience。Inconsequenceofthisopinion，wefrequentlyseethemimaginesuchpersonstobetheirnaturalrulers，asareatthattimedepriv’dofallpowerandauthority，andwhomnoman，howeverfoolish，wou’dvoluntarilychuse；andthismerelybecausetheyareinthatline，whichrul’dbefore，andinthatdegreeofit，whichus’dtosucceed；tho’perhapsinsodistantaperiod，thatscarceanymanalivecou’deverhavegivenanypromiseofobedience。Hasagovernment，then，noauthorityoversuchasthese，becausetheyneverconsentedtoit，andwou’desteemtheveryattemptofsuchafreechoiceapieceofarroganceandimpiety？Wefindbyexperience，thatitpunishesthemveryfreelyforwhatitcallstreasonandrebellion，which，itseems，accordingtothissystem，reducesitselftocommoninjustice。Ifyousay，thatbydwellinginitsdominions，theyineffectconsentedtotheestablish’dgovernment；Ianswer，thatthiscanonlybe，wheretheythinktheaffairdependsontheirchoice，whichfewornone，besidethosephilosophers，haveeveryetimagin’d。Itneverwaspleadedasanexcuseforarebel，thatthefirstactheperformd，afterhecametoyearsofdiscretion，wastolevywaragainstthesovereignofthestate；andthatwhilehewasachildhecou’dnotbindhimselfbyhisownconsent，andhavingbecomeaman，show’dplainly，bythefirstactheperform’d，thathehadnodesigntoimposeonhimselfanyobligationtoobedience。Wefind，onthecontrary，thatcivillawspunishthiscrimeatthesameageasanyother，whichiscriminal，ofitself，withoutourconsent；thatis，whenthepersoniscometothefulluseofreason:Whereastothiscrimetheyoughtinjusticetoallowsomeintermediatetime，inwhichatacitconsentatleastmightbesuppos’d。Towhichwemayadd，thatamanlivingunderanabsolutegovernment，wou’doweitnoallegiance；since，byitsverynature，itdependsnotonconsent。Butasthatisasnaturalandcommonagovernmentasany，itmustcertainlyoccasionsomeobligation；and`tisplainfromexperience，thatmen，whoaresubjectedtoit，doalwaysthinkso。Thisisaclearproof，thatwedonotcommonlyesteemourallegiancetobederiv’dfromourconsentorpromise；andafartherproofis，thatwhenourpromiseisuponanyaccountexpresslyengag’d，wealwaysdistinguishexactlybetwixtthetwoobligations，andbelievetheonetoaddmoreforcetotheother，thaninarepetitionofthesamepromise。Wherenopromiseisgiven，amanlooksnotonhisfaithasbrokeninprivatematters，uponaccountofrebellion；butkeepsthosetwodutiesofhonourandallegianceperfectlydistinctandseparate。Astheunitingofthemwasthoughtbythesephilosophersaverysubtileinvention，thisisaconvincingproof，that`tisnotatrueone；sincenomancaneithergiveapromise，orberestrain’dbyitssanctionandobligationunknowntohimself，SECT。IX
OfthemeasuresofallegianceThosepoliticalwriters，whohavehadrecoursetoapromise，ororiginalcontract，asthesourceofourallegiancetogovernment，intendedtoestablishaprinciple，whichisperfectlyjustandreasonable；tho’thereasoning，uponwhichtheyendeavour’dtoestablishit，wasfallaciousandsophistical。Theywou’dprove，thatoursubmissiontogovernmentadmitsofexceptions，andthatanegregioustyrannyintherulersissufficienttofreethesubjectsfromalltiesofallegiance。Sincemenenterintosociety，saythey，andsubmitthemselvestogovernment，bytheirfreeandvoluntaryconsent，theymusthaveinviewcertainadvantages，whichtheyproposetoreapfromit，andforwhichtheyarecontentedtoresigntheirnativeliberty。Thereis，therefore，somethingmutualengag’donthepartofthemagistrate，viz，protectionandsecurity；and`tisonlybythehopesheaffordsoftheseadvantages，thathecaneverpersuadementosubmittohim。Butwheninsteadofprotectionandsecurity，theymeetwithtyrannyandoppression，theyarefree’dfromtheirpromises，(ashappensinallconditionalcontracts)andreturntothatstateofliberty，whichprecededtheinstitutionofgovernment。Menwou’dneverbesofoolishastoenterintosuchengagementsasshou’dturnentirelytotheadvantageofothers，withoutanyviewofbetteringtheirowncondition。Whoeverproposestodrawanyprofitfromoursubmission，mustengagehimself，eitherexpresslyortacitly，tomakeusreapsomeadvantagefromhisauthority；noroughthetoexpect，thatwithouttheperformanceofhispartwewillevercontinueinobedience。
Irepeatit:Thisconclusionisjust，tho’theprinciplesbeerroneous；andIflattermyself，thatIcanestablishthesameconclusiononmorereasonableprinciples。Ishallnottakesuchacompass，inestablishingourpoliticalduties，astoassert，thatmenperceivetheadvantagesofgovernment；thattheyinstitutegovernmentwithaviewtothoseadvantages；thatthisinstitutionrequiresapromiseofobedience；whichimposesamoralobligationtoacertaindegree，butbeingconditional，ceasestobebinding，whenevertheothercontractingpartyperformsnothispartoftheengagement。Iperceive，thatapromiseitselfarisesentirelyfromhumanconventions，andisinventedwithaviewtoacertaininterest。Iseek，therefore，somesuchinterestmoreimmediatelyconnectedwithgovernment，andwhichmaybeatoncetheoriginalmotivetoitsinstitution，andthesourceofourobediencetoit。ThisinterestIfindtoconsistinthesecurityandprotection，whichweenjoyinpoliticalsociety，andwhichwecanneverattain，whenperfectlyfreeandindependent。Asinterest，therefore，istheimmediatesanctionofgovernment，theonecanhavenolongerbeingthantheother；andwheneverthecivilmagistratecarrieshisoppressionsofarastorenderhisauthorityperfectlyintolerable，wearenolongerboundtosubmittoit。Thecauseceases；theeffectmustceasealso。
Sofartheconclusionisimmediateanddirect，concerningthenaturalobligationwhichwehavetoallegiance。Astothemoralobligation，wemayobserve，thatthemaximwou’dherebefalse，thatwhenthecauseceases，theeffectmustceasealso。Forthereisaprincipleofhumannature，whichwehavefrequentlytakennoticeof，thatmenaremightilyaddictedtogeneralrules，andthatweoftencarryourmaximsbeyondthosereasons，whichfirstinduc’dustoestablishthem。Wherecasesaresimilarinmanycircumstances，weareapttoputthemonthesamefooting，withoutconsidering，thattheydifferinthemostmaterialcircumstances，andthattheresemblanceismoreapparentthanreal。Itmay，therefore，bethought，thatinthecaseofallegianceourmoralobligationofdutywillnotcease，eventho’thenaturalobligationofinterest，whichisitscause，hasceas’d；andthatmenmaybeboundbyconsciencetosubmittoatyrannicalgovernmentagainsttheirownandthepublicinterest。Andindeed，totheforceofthisargumentIsofarsubmit，astoacknowledge，thatgeneralrulescommonlyextendbeyondtheprinciples，onwhichtheyarefounded；andthatweseldommakeanyexceptiontothem，unlessthatexceptionhavethequalitiesofageneralrule，andbefoundedonverynumerousandcommoninstances。NowthisIasserttobeentirelythepresentcase。Whenmensubmittotheauthorityofothers，`tistoprocurethemselvessomesecurityagainstthewickednessandinjusticeofmen，whoareperpetuallycarried，bytheirunrulypassions，andbytheirpresentandimmediateinterest，totheviolationofallthelawsofsociety。Butasthisimperfectionisinherentinhumannature，weknowthatitmustattendmeninalltheirstatesandconditions；andthatthese，whomwechuseforrulers，donotimmediatelybecomeofasuperiornaturetotherestofmankind，uponaccountoftheirsuperiorpowerandauthority。Whatweexpectfromthemdependsnotonachangeoftheirnaturebutoftheirsituation，whentheyacquireamoreimmediateinterestinthepreservationoforderandtheexecutionofjustice。Butbesidesthatthisinterestisonlymoreimmediateintheexecutionofjusticeamongtheirsubjects；besidesthis，Isay，wemayoftenexpect，fromtheirregularityofhumannature，thattheywillneglecteventhisimmediateinterest，andbetransportedbytheirpassionsintoalltheexcessesofcrueltyandambition……Ourgeneralknowledgeofhumannature，ourobservationofthepasthistoryofmankind，ourexperienceofpresenttimes；allthesecausesmustinduceustoopenthedoortoexceptions，andmustmakeusconclude，thatwemayresistthemoreviolenteffectsofsupremepower，withoutanycrimeorinjustice。
Accordinglywemayobserve，thatthisisboththegeneralpracticeandprincipleofmankind，andthatnonation，thatcou’dfindanyremedy，everyetsuffer’dthecruelravagesofatyrant，orwereblam’dfortheirresistance。ThosewhotookuparmsagainstDionysiusorNero，orPhilipthesecond，havethefavourofeveryreaderintheperusaloftheirhistory:andnothingbutthemostviolentperversionofcommonsensecaneverleadustocondemnthem。`Tiscertain，therefore，thatinallournotionsofmoralsweneverentertainsuchanabsurdityasthatofpassiveobedience，butmakeallowancesforresistanceinthemoreflagrantinstancesoftyrannyandoppression。Thegeneralopinionofmankindhassomeauthorityinallcases；butinthisofmorals`tisperfectlyinfallible。Norisitlessinfallible，becausemencannotdistinctlyexplaintheprinciples，onwhichitisfounded。Fewpersonscancarryonthistrainofreasoning:
`Governmentisamerehumaninventionfortheinterestofsociety。Wherethetyrannyofthegovernorremovesthisinterest，italsoremovesthenaturalobligationtoobedience。Themoralobligationisfoundedonthenatural，andthereforemustceasewherethatceases；especiallywherethesubjectissuchasmakesusforeseeverymanyoccasionswhereinthenaturalobligationmaycease，andcausesustoformakindofgeneralrulefortheregulationofourconductinsuchoccurrences。’
Buttho’thistrainofreasoningbetoosubtileforthevulgar，`tiscertain，thatallmenhaveanimplicitnotionofit，andaresensible，thattheyoweobediencetogovernmentmerelyonaccountofthepublicinterest；andatthesametime，thathumannatureissosubjecttofrailtiesandpassions，asmayeasilypervertthisinstitution，andchangetheirgovernorsintotyrantsandpublicenemies。Ifthesenseofcommoninterestwerenotouroriginalmotivetoobedience，Iwou’dfainask，whatotherprincipleisthereinhumannaturecapableofsubduingthenaturalambitionofmen，andforcingthemtosuchasubmission？Imitationandcustomarenotsufficient。Forthequestionstillrecurs，whatmotivefirstproducesthoseinstancesofsubmission，whichweimitate，andthattrainofactions，whichproducesthecustom？Thereevidentlyisnootherprinciplethanpublicinterest；andifinterestfirstproducesobediencetogovernment，theobligationtoobediencemustcease，whenevertheinterestceases，inanygreatdegree，andinaconsiderablenumberofinstances。
SECT。X
OftheobjectsofallegianceButtho’，onsomeoccasions，itmaybejustifiable，bothinsoundpoliticsandmorality，toresistsupremepower，`tiscertain，thatintheordinarycourseofhumanaffairsnothingcanbemoreperniciousandcriminal；andthatbesidestheconvulsions，whichalwaysattendrevolutions，suchapracticetendsdirectlytothesubversionofallgovernment，andthecausinganuniversalanarchyandconfusionamongmankind。Asnumerousandciviliz’dsocietiescannotsubsistwithoutgovernment，sogovernmentisentirelyuselesswithoutanexactobedience。Weoughtalwaystoweightheadvantages，whichwereapfromauthority，againstthedisadvantages；andbythismeansweshallbecomemorescrupulousofputtinginpracticethedoctrineofresistance。Thecommonrulerequiressubmission；and`tisonlyincasesofgrievoustyrannyandoppression，thattheexceptioncantakeplace。
Sincethensuchablindsubmissioniscommonlyduetomagistracy，thenextquestionis，towhomitisdue，andwhomwearetoregardasourlawfulmagistrates？Inordertoanswerthisquestion，letusrecollectwhatwehavealreadyestablish’dconcerningtheoriginofgovernmentandpoliticalsociety。Whenmenhaveonceexperienc’dtheimpossibilityofpreservinganysteadyorderinsociety，whileeveryoneishisownmaster，andviolatesorobservesthelawsofsociety，accordingtohispresentinterestorpleasure，theynaturallyrunintotheinventionofgovernment，andputitoutoftheirownpower，asfaraspossible，totransgressthelawsofsociety。Government，therefore，arisesfromthesamevoluntaryconversationofmen；and`tisevident，thatthesameconvention，whichestablishesgovernment，willalsodeterminethepersonswhoaretogovern，andwillremovealldoubtandambiguityinthisparticular。Andthevoluntaryconsentofmenmustherehavethegreaterefficacy，thattheauthorityofthemagistratedoesatfirststanduponthefoundationofapromiseofthesubjects，bywhichtheybindthemselvestoobedience；asineveryothercontractorengagement。Thesamepromise，then，whichbindsthemtoobedience，tiesthemdowntoaparticularperson，andmakeshimtheobjectoftheirallegiance。
Butwhengovernmenthasbeenestablish’donthisfootingforsomeconsiderabletime，andtheseparateinterest，whichwehaveinsubmission，hasproduc’daseparatesentimentofmorality，thecaseisentirelyalter’d，andapromiseisnolongerabletodeterminetheparticularmagistratesinceitisnolongerconsider’dasthefoundationofgovernment。Wenaturallysupposeourselvesborntosubmission；andimagine，thatsuchparticularpersonshavearighttocommand，asweonourpartareboundtoobey。Thesenotionsofrightandobligationarederiv’dfromnothingbuttheadvantagewereapfromgovernment，whichgivesusarepugnancetopractiseresistanceourselves，andmakesusdispleas’dwithanyinstanceofitinothers。Buthere`tisremarkable，thatinthisnewstateofaffairs，theoriginalsanctionofgovernment，whichisinterest，isnotadmittedtodeterminethepersons，whomwearetoobey，astheoriginalsanctiondidatfirst，whenaffairswereonthefootingofapromise。Apromisefixesanddeterminesthepersons，withoutanyuncertainty:But`tisevident，thatifmenweretoregulatetheirconductinthisparticular，bytheviewofapeculiarinterest，eitherpublicorprivate，theywou’dinvolvethemselvesinendlessconfusion，andwou’drenderallgovernment，inagreatmeasure，ineffectuaLTheprivateinterestofeveryoneisdifferent；andtho’thepublicinterestinitselfbealwaysoneandthesame，yetitbecomesthesourceofasgreatdissentions，byreasonofthedifferentopinionsofparticularpersonsconcerningit。Thesameinterest，therefore，whichcausesustosubmittomagistracy，makesusrenounceitselfinthechoiceofourmagistrates，andbindsusdowntoacertainformofgovernment，andtoparticularpersons，withoutallowingustoaspiretotheutmostperfectionineither。Thecaseisherethesameasinthatlawofnatureconcerningthestabilityofpossession。`Tishighlyadvantageous，andevenabsolutelynecessarytosociety，thatpossessionshou’dbestable；andthisleadsustotheestablishmentofsucharule:Butwefind，thatwerewetofollowthesameadvantage，inassigningparticularpossessionstoparticularpersons，weshou’ddisappointourend，andperpetuatetheconfusion，whichthatruleisintendedtoprevent。Wemust，therefore，proceedbygeneralrules，andregulateourselvesbygeneralinterests，inmodifyingthelawofnatureconcerningthestabilityofpossession。Norneedwefear，thatourattachmenttothislawwilldiminishuponaccountoftheseemingfrivolousnessofthoseinterests，bywhichitisdetermin’d。Theimpulseofthemindisderiv’dfromaverystronginterest；andthoseothermoreminuteinterestsserveonlytodirectthemotion，withoutaddinganythingtoit，ordiminishingfromit。Tisthesamecasewithgovernment。Nothingismoreadvantageoustosocietythansuchaninvention；andthisinterestissufficienttomakeusembraceitwithardourandalacrity；tho’weareoblig’dafterwardstoregulateanddirectourdevotiontogovernmentbyseveralconsiderations，whicharenotofthesameimportance，andtochuseourmagistrateswithouthavinginviewanyparticularadvantagefromthechoice。
ThefirstofthoseprinciplesIshalltakenoticeof，asafoundationoftherightofmagistracy，isthatwhichgivesauthoritytoallthemostestablish’dgovernmentsoftheworldwithoutexception:Imean，longpossessioninanyoneformofgovernment，orsuccessionofprinces。`Tiscertain，thatifweremounttothefirstoriginofeverynation，weshallfind，thattherescarceisanyraceofkings，orformofacommonwealth，thatisnotprimarilyfoundedonusurpationandrebellion，andwhosetitleisnotatfirstworsethandoubtfulanduncertain。Timealonegivessoliditytotheirright；andoperatinggraduallyonthemindsofmen，reconcilesthemtoanyauthority，andmakesitseemjustandreasonable。Nothingcausesanysentimenttohaveagreaterinfluenceuponusthancustom，orturnsourimaginationmorestronglytoanyobject。Whenwehavebeenlongaccustom’dtoobeyanysetofmen，thatgeneralinstinctortendency，whichwehavetosupposeamoralobligationattendingloyalty，takeseasilythisdirection，andchusesthatsetofmenforitsobjects。`Tisinterestwhichgivesthegeneralinstinct；but`tiscustomwhichgivestheparticulardirection。
Andhere`tisobservable，thatthesamelengthoftimehasadifferentinfluenceonoursentimentsofmorality，accordingtoitsdifferentinfluenceonthemind。Wenaturallyjudgeofeverythingbycomparison；andsinceinconsideringthefateofkingdomsandrepublics，weembracealongextentoftime，asmalldurationhasnotinthiscasealikeinfluenceonoursentiments，aswhenweconsideranyotherobject。Onethinksheacquiresarighttoahorse，orasuitofcloaths，inaveryshorttime；butacenturyisscarcesufficienttoestablishanynewgovernment，orremoveallscruplesinthemindsofthesubjectsconcerningit。Addtothis，thatashorterperiodoftimewillsufficetogiveaprinceatitletoanyadditionalpowerhemayusurp，thanwillservetofixhisright，wherethewholeisanusurpation。ThekingsofFrancehavenotbeenpossess’dofabsolutepowerforabovetworeigns；andyetnothingwillappearmoreextravaganttoFrenchmenthantotalkoftheirliberties。Ifweconsiderwhathasbeensaidconcerningaccession，weshalleasilyaccountforthisphaenomenon。
Whenthereisnoformofgovernmentestablish’dbylongpossession，thepresentpossessionissufficienttosupplyitsplace，andmayberegardedasthesecondsourceofallpublicauthority。Righttoauthorityisnothingbuttheconstantpossessionofauthority，maintain’dbythelawsofsocietyandtheinterestsofmankind；andnothingcanbemorenaturalthantojointhisconstantpossessiontothepresentone，accordingtotheprinciplesabove-mention’d。Ifthesameprinciplesdidnottakeplacewithregardtothepropertyofprivatepersons，`twasbecausetheseprincipleswerecounter-ballanc’dbyverystrongconsiderationsofinterest；whenweobserv’d，thatallrestitutionwou’dbythatmeansbeprevented，andeveryviolencebeauthoriz’dandprotected。Andtho’thesamemotivesmayseemtohaveforce，withregardtopublicauthority，yettheyareoppos’dbyacontraryinterest；whichconsistsinthepreservationofpeace，andtheavoidingofallchanges，which，howevertheymaybeeasilyproduc’dinprivateaffairs，areunavoidablyattendedwithbloodshedandconfusion，wherethepublicisinterested。
Anyone，whofindingtheimpossibilityofaccountingfortherightofthepresentpossessor，byanyreceiv’dsystemofethics，shou’dresolvetodenyabsolutelythatright，andassert，thatitisnotauthoriz’dbymorality，wou’dbejustlythoughttomaintainaveryextravagantparadox，andtoshockthecommonsenseandjudgmentofmankind。Nomaximismoreconformable，bothtoprudenceandmorals，thantosubmitquietlytothegovernment，whichwefindestablish’dinthecountrywherewehappentolive，withoutenquiringtoocuriouslyintoitsoriginandfirstestablishment。Fewgovernmentswillbearbeingexamin’dsorigorously。Howmanykingdomsarethereatpresentintheworld，andhowmanymoredowefindinhistory，whosegovernorshavenobetterfoundationfortheirauthoritythanthatofpresentpossession？ToconfineourselvestotheRomanandGrecianempire；isitnotevident，thatthelongsuccessionofemperors，fromthedissolutionoftheRomanliberty，tothefinalextinctionofthatempirebytheTurks，cou’dnotsomuchaspretendtoanyothertitletotheempire？Theelectionofthesenatewasamereform，whichalwaysfollow’dthechoiceofthelegions；andthesewerealmostalwaysdividedinthedifferentprovinces，andnothingbuttheswordwasabletoterminatethedifference。`Twasbythesword，therefore，thateveryemperoracquir’d，aswellasdefendedhisright；andwemusteithersay，thatalltheknownworld，forsomanyages，hadnogovernment，andow’dnoallegiancetoanyone，ormustallow，thattherightofthestronger，inpublicaffairs，istobereceiv’daslegitimate，andauthoriz’dbymorality，whennotoppos’dbyanyothertitle。
Therightofconquestmaybeconsider’dasathirdsourceofthetitleofsovereigns。Thisrightresemblesverymuchthatofpresentpossession；buthasratherasuperiorforce，beingsecondedbythenotionsofgloryandhonour，whichweascribetoconquerors，insteadofthesentimentsofhatredanddetestation，whichattendusurpers。Mennaturallyfavourthosetheylove；andthereforearemoreapttoascribearighttosuccessfulviolence，betwixtonesovereignandanother，thantothesuccessfulrebellionofasubjectagainsthissovereign。(15)
Whenneitherlongpossession，norpresentpossession，norconquesttakeplace，aswhenthefirstsovereign，whofoundedanymonarchy，dies；inthatcase，therightofsuccessionnaturallyprevailsintheirstead，andmenarecommonlyinduc’dtoplacethesonoftheirlatemonarchonthethrone，andsupposehimtoinherithisfather’sauthority。Thepresum’dconsentofthefather，theimitationofthesuccessiontoprivatefamilies，theinterest，whichthestatehasinchusingtheperson，whoismostpowerful，andhasthemostnumerousfollowers；allthesereasonsleadmentopreferthesonoftheirlatemonarchtoanyotherperson。(16)
Thesereasonshavesomeweight；butIampersuaded，thattoone，whoconsidersimpartiallyofthematter，`twillappear，thatthereconcursomeprinciplesoftheimagination，alongwiththoseviewsofinterest。Theroyalauthorityseemstobeconnectedwiththeyoungprinceeveninhisfather’slife-time，bythenaturaltransitionofthethought；andstillmoreafterhisdeath:Sothatnothingismorenaturalthantocompleatthisunionbyanewrelation，andbyputtinghimactuallyinpossessionofwhatseemssonaturallytobelongtohim。
Toconfirmthiswemayweighthefollowingphaenomena，whichareprettycuriousintheirkind。Inelectivemonarchiestherightofsuccessionhasnoplacebythelawsandsettledcustom；andyetitsinfluenceissonatural，that`tisimpossibleentirelytoexcludeitfromtheimagination，andrenderthesubjectsindifferenttothesonoftheirdeceas’dmonarch。Henceinsomegovernmentsofthiskind，thechoicecommonlyfallsononeorotheroftheroyalfamily；andinsomegovernmentstheyareallexcluded。Thosecontraryphaenomenaproceedfromthesameprinciple。Wheretheroyalfamilyisexcluded，`tisfromarefinementinpolitics，whichmakespeoplesensibleoftheirpropensitytochuseasovereigninthatfamily，andgivesthemajealousyoftheirliberty，lesttheirnewmonarch，aidedbythispropensity，shou’destablishhisfamily，anddestroythefreedomofelectionsforthefuture。
ThehistoryofArtaxerxes，andtheyoungerCyrus，mayfurnishuswithsomereflectionstothesamepurpose。Cyruspretendedarighttothethroneabovehiselderbrother，becausehewasbornafterhisfather’saccession。Idonotpretend，thatthisreasonwasvalid。Iwou’donlyinferfromit，thathewou’dneverhavemadeuseofsuchapretext，wereitnotforthequalitiesoftheimaginationabove-mention’d，bywhichwearenaturallyinclin’dtounitebyanewrelationwhateverobjectswefindalreadyunited。Artaxerxeshadanadvantageabovehisbrother，asbeingtheeldestson，andthefirstinsuccession:ButCyruswasmorecloselyrelatedtotheroyalauthority，asbeingbegotafterhisfatherwasinvestedwithit。
Shou’ditherebepretended，thattheviewofconveniencemaybethesourceofalltherightofsuccession，andthatmengladlytakeadvantageofanyrule，bywhichtheycanfixthesuccessoroftheirlatesovereign，andpreventthatanarchyandconfusion，whichattendsallnewelections:TothisIwou’danswer，thatIreadilyallow，thatthismotivemaycontributesomethingtotheeffect；butatthesametimeIassert，thatwithoutanotherprinciple，`tisimpossiblesuchamotiveshou’dtakeplace。Theinterestofanationrequires，thatthesuccessiontothecrownshou’dbefix’donewayorother；but`tisthesamethingtoitsinterestinwhatwayitbefix’d:Sothatiftherelationofbloodhadnotaneffectindependentofpublicinterest，itwou’dneverhavebeenregarded，withoutapositivelaw；and`twou’dhavebeenimpossible，thatsomanypositivelawsofdifferentnationscou’deverhaveconcur’dpreciselyinthesameviewsandintentions。
Thisleadsustoconsiderthefifthsourceofauthority，viz。positivelaws；whenthelegislatureestablishesacertainformofgovernmentandsuccessionofprinces。Atfirstsightitmaybethought，thatthismustresolveintosomeoftheprecedingtitlesofauthority。Thelegislativepower，whencethepositivelawisderiv’d，musteitherbeestablish’dbyoriginalcontract，longpossession，presentpossession，conquest，orsuccession；andconsequentlythepositivelawmustderiveitsforcefromsomeofthoseprinciples。Buthere`tisremarkable，thattho’apositivelawcanonlyderiveitsforcefromtheseprinciples，yetitacquiresnotalltheforceoftheprinciplefromwhenceitisderiv’d，butlosesconsiderablyinthetransition；asitisnaturaltoimagine。Forinstance；agovernmentisestablish’dformanycenturiesonacertainsystemoflaws，forms，andmethodsofsuccession。Thelegislativepower，establish’dbythislongsuccession，changesallonasuddenthewholesystemofgovernment，andintroducesanewconstitutioninitsstead。Ibelievefewofthesubjectswillthinkthemselvesboundtocomplywiththisalteration，unlessithaveanevidenttendencytothepublicgood:Butwrnthinkthemselvesstillatlibertytoreturntotheantientgovernment。Hencethenotionoffundamentallaws；whicharesuppos’dtobeinalterablebythewillofthesovereign:AndofthisnaturetheSaliclawisunderstoodtobeinFrance。Howfarthesefundamentallawsextendisnotdetermin’dinanygovernment；norisitpossibleitevershou’d。Thereissuchanindefensiblegradationfromthemostmateriallawstothemosttrivial，andfromthemostantientlawstothemostmodem，that`twillbeimpossibletosetboundstothelegislativepower，anddeterminehowfaritmayinnovateintheprinciplesofgovernment。Thatistheworkmoreofimaginationandpassionthanofreason。
Whoeverconsidersthehistoryoftheseveralnationsoftheworld；theirrevolutions，conquests，increase，anddiminution；themannerinwhichtheirparticulargovernmentsareestablish’d，andthesuccessiverighttransmittedfromonepersontoanother，willsoonlearntotreatverylightlyalldisputesconcerningtherightsofprinces，andwillbeconvinc’d，thatastrictadherencetoanygeneralrules，andtherigidloyaltytoparticularpersonsandfamilies，onwhichsomepeoplesetsohighavalue，arevirtuesthatholdlessofreason，thanofbigotryandsuperstition。Inthisparticular，thestudyofhistoryconfirmsthereasoningsoftruephilosophy；which，shewingustheoriginalqualitiesofhumannature，teachesustoregardthecontroversiesinpoliticsasincapableofanydecisioninmostcases，andasentirelysubordinatetotheinterestsofpeaceandliberty。Wherethepublicgooddoesnotevidentlydemandachange；`tiscertain，thattheconcurrenceofallthosetitles，originalcontract，longpossession，presentpossession，succession，andpositivelaws，formsthestrongesttitletosovereignty，andisjustlyregardedassacredandinviolable。Butwhenthesetitlesaremingledandoppos’dindifferentdegrees，theyoftenoccasionperplexity；andarelesscapableofsolutionfromtheargumentsoflawyersandphilosophers，thanfromtheswordsofthesoldiery。Whoshalltellme，forinstance，whetherGermanicus，orDrufus，oughttohavesucceededTiberius，hadhediedwhiletheywerebothalive，withoutnaminganyofthemforhissuccessor？Oughttherightofadoptiontobereceiv’dasequivalenttothatofbloodinanation，whereithadthesameeffectinprivatefamilies，andhadalready，intwoinstances，takenplaceinthepublic？OughtGermanicustobeesteem’dtheeldestson，becausehewasbornbeforeDrufus；ortheyounger，becausehewasadoptedafterthebirthofhisbrother？Oughttherightoftheeldertoberegardedinanation，wheretheeldestbrotherhadnoadvantageinthesuccessiontoprivatefamilies？OughttheRomanempireatthattimetobeesteem’dhereditary，becauseoftwoexamples；oroughtit，evensoearly，toberegardedasbelongingtothestronger，orthepresentpossessor，asbeingfoundedonsorecentanusurpation？Uponwhateverprincipleswemaypretendtoanswertheseandsuchlikequestions，Iamafraidweshallneverbeabletosatisfyanimpartialenquirer，whoadoptsnopartyinpoliticalcontroversies，andwillbesatisfiedwithnothingbutsoundreasonandphilosophy。
ButhereanEnglishreaderwillbeapttoenquireconcerningthatfamousrevolution，whichhashadsuchahappyinfluenceonourconstitution，andhasbeenattendedwithsuchmightyconsequences。Wehavealreadyremark’d，thatinthecaseofenormoustyrannyandoppression，`tislawfultotakearmsevenagainstsupremepower；andthatasgovernmentisamerehumaninventionformutualadvantageandsecurity，itnolongerimposesanyobligation，eithernaturalormoral，whenonceitceasestohavethattendency。Buttho’thisgeneralprinciplebeauthoriz’dbycommonsense，andthepracticeofallages，`tiscertainlyimpossibleforthelaws，orevenforphilosophy，toestablishanyparticularrules，bywhichwemayknowwhenresistanceislawful；anddecideallcontroversies，whichmayariseonthatsubject。Thismaynotonlyhappenwithregardtosupremepower；but`tispossible，eveninsomeconstitutions，wherethelegislativeauthorityisnotlodg’dinoneperson，thattheremaybeamagistratesoeminentandpowerful，astoobligethelawstokeepsilenceinthisparticular。Norwou’dthissilencebeaneffectonlyoftheirrespect，butalsooftheirprudence；since`tiscertain，thatinthevastvarietyofcircumstances，whichoccurinallgovernments，anexerciseofpower，insogreatamagistrate，mayatonetimebebeneficialtothepublic，whichatanothertimewou’dbeperniciousandtyrannical。Butnotwithstandingthissilenceofthelawsinlimitedmonarchies，`tiscertain，thatthepeoplestillretaintherightofresistance；since`tisimpossible，eveninthemostdespoticgovernments，todeprivethemofit。Thesamenecessityofself-preservation，andthesamemotiveofpublicgood，givethemthesamelibertyintheonecaseasintheother。Andwemayfartherobserve，thatinsuchmix’dgovernments，thecases，whereinresistanceislawful，mustoccurmuchoftener，andgreaterindulgencebegiventothesubjectstodefendthemselvesbyforceofarms，thaninarbitrarygovernments。Notonlywherethechiefmagistrateentersintomeasures，inthemselves，extremelypernicioustothepublic，butevenwhenhewou’dencroachontheotherpartsoftheconstitution，andextendhispowerbeyondthelegalbounds，itisallowabletoresistanddethronehim；tho’suchresistanceandviolencemay，inthegeneraltenorofthelaws，bedeem’dunlawfulandrebellious。Forbesidesthatnothingismoreessentialtopublicinterest，thanthepreservationofpublicliberty；`tisevident，thatifsuchamix’dgovernmentbeoncesuppos’dtobeestablished，everypartormemberoftheconstitutionmusthavearightofself-defence，andofmaintainingitsantientboundsagainsttheenaoachmentofeveryotherauthority。Asmatterwou’dhavebeencreatedinvain，wereitdepriv’dofapowerofresistance，withoutwhichnopartofitcou’dpreserveadistinctexistence，andthewholemightbecrowdedupintoasinglepoint:So`tisagrossabsurditytosuppose，inanygovernment，arightwithoutaremedy，orallow，thatthesupremepowerisshar’dwiththepeople，withoutallowing，that`tislawfulforthemtodefendtheirshareagainsteveryinvader。Those，therefore，whowou’dseemtorespectourfreegovernment，andyetdenytherightofresistance，haverenounc’dallpretensionstocommonsense，anddonotmeritaseriousanswer。
Itdoesnotbelongtomypresentpurposetoshew，thatthesegeneralprinciplesareapplicabletothelaterevolution；andthatalltherightsandprivileges，whichoughttobesacredtoafreenation，wereatthattimethreaten’dwiththeutmostdanger。Iambetterpleas’dtoleavethiscontrovertedsubject，ifitreallyadmitsofcontroversy；andtoindulgemyselfinsomephilosophicalreflections，whichnaturallyarisefromthatimportantevent。
First，Wemayobserve，thatshou’dthelordsandcommonsinourconstitution，withoutanyreasonfrompublicinterest，eitherdeposethekinginbeing，orafterhisdeathexcludetheprince，who，bylawsandsettledcustom，oughttosucceed，noonewou’desteemtheirproceedingslegal，orthinkthemselvesboundtocomplywiththem。Butshou’dtheking，byhisunjustpractices，orhisattemptsforatyrannicalanddespoticpower，justlyforfeithislegal，itthennotonlybecomesmorallylawfulandsuitabletothenatureofpoliticalsocietytodethronehim；butwhatismore，weareaptlikewisetothink，thattheremainingmembersoftheconstitutionacquirearightofexcludinghisnextheir，andofchusingwhomtheypleaseforhissuccessor。Thisisfoundedonaverysingularqualityofourthoughtandimagination。Whenakingforfeitshisauthority，hisheiroughtnaturallytoremaininthesamesituation，asifthekingwereremov’dbydeath；unlessbymixinghimselfinthetyranny，heforfeititforhimself。Buttho’thismayseemreasonable，weeasilycomplywiththecontraryopinion。Thedepositionofaking，insuchagovernmentasours，iscertainlyanactbeyondallcommonauthority，andanillegalassumingapowerforpublicgood，which，intheordinarycourseofgovernment，canbelongtonomemberoftheconstitution。Whenthepublicgoodissogreatandsoevidentastojustifytheaction，thecommendableuseofthislicencecausesusnaturallytoattributetotheparliamentarightofusingfartherlicences；andtheantientboundsofthelawsbeingoncetransgressedwithapprobation，wearenotapttobesostrictinconfiningourselvespreciselywithintheirlimits。Themindnaturallyrunsonwithanytrainofaction，whichithasbegun；nordowecommonlymakeanyscrupleconcerningourduty，afterthefirstactionofanykind，whichweperform。Thusattherevolution，noonewhothoughtthedepositionofthefatherjustifiable，esteem’dthemselvestobeconfin’dtohisinfantson；tho’hadthatunhappymonarchdiedinnocentatthattime，andhadhisson，byanyaccident，beenconvey’dbeyondseas，thereisnodoubtbutaregencywou’dhavebeenappointedtillheshou’dcometoage，andcou’dberestoredtohisdominions。Astheslightestpropertiesoftheimaginationhaveaneffectonthejudgmentsofthepeople，itshewsthewisdomofthelawsandoftheparliamenttotakeadvantageofsuchproperties，andtochusethemagistrateseitherinoroutofaline，accordingasthevulgarwillmostnaturallyattributeauthorityandrighttothem。
Secondly，Tho’theaccessionofthePrinceofOrangetothethronemightatfirstgiveoccasiontomanydisputes，andhistitlebecontested，itoughtnotnowtoappeardoubtful，butmusthaveacquir’dasufficientauthorityfromthosethreeprinces，whohavesucceededhimuponthesametitle。Nothingismoreusual，tho’nothingmay，atfirstsight，appearmoreunreasonable，thanthiswayofthinking。Princesoftenseemtoacquirearightfromtheirsuccessors，aswellasfromtheirancestors；andaking，whoduringhislife-timemightjustlybedeem’danusurper，willberegardedbyposterityasalawfulprince，becausehehashadthegoodfortunetosettlehisfamilyonthethrone，andentirelychangetheantientformofgovernment。JuliusCaesarisregardedasthefirstRomanemperor；whileSyllaandMarius，whosetitleswerereallythesameashis，aretreatedastyrantsandusurpers。Timeandcustomgiveauthoritytoallformsofgovernment，andallsuccessionsofprinces；andthatpower，whichatfirstwasfoundedonlyoninjusticeandviolence，becomesintimelegalandobligatory。Nordoesthemindrestthere；butreturningbackuponitsfootsteps，transferstotheirpredecessorsandancestorsthatright，whichitnaturallyascribestotheposterity，。asbeingrelatedtogether，andunitedintheimagination。ThepresentkingofFrancemakesHughCapetamorelawfulprincethanCromwell；astheestablish’dlibertyoftheDutchisnoinconsiderableapologyfortheirobstinateresistancetoPhilipthesecond。
OfthelawsofnationsWhencivilgovernmenthasbeenestablishedoverthegreatestpartofmankind，anddifferentsocietieshavebeenform’dcontiguoustoeachother，therearisesanewsetofdutiesamongtheneighbouringstates，suitabletothenatureofthatcommerce，whichtheycarryonwitheachother。Politicalwriterstellus，thatineverykindofintercourse，abodypoliticistobeconsider’dasoneperson；andindeedthisassertionissofarjust，thatdifferentnations，aswellasprivatepersons，requiremutualassistance；atthesametimethattheirselfishnessandambitionareperpetualsourcesofwaranddiscord。Buttho’nationsinthisparticularresembleindividuals，yetastheyareverydifferentinotherrespects，nowondertheyregulatethemselvesbydifferentmaxims，andgiverisetoanewsetofrules，whichwecallthelawsofnations。Underthisheadwemaycomprizethesacrednessofthepersonsofambassadors，thedeclarationofwar，theabstainingfrompoison’darms，withotherdutiesofthatkind，whichareevidentlycalculatedforthecommerce，thatispeculiartodifferentsocieties。
Buttho’theserulesbesuper-addedtothelawsofnature，theformerdonotentirelyabolishthelatter；andonemaysafelyaffirm，thatthethreefundamentalrulesofjustice，thestabilityofpossession，itstransferencebyconsent，andtheperformanceofpromises，aredutiesofprinces，aswellasofsubjects。Thesameinterestproducesthesameeffectinbothcases。Wherepossessionhasnostability，theremustbeperpetualwar。Wherepropertyisnottransferr’dbyconsent，therecanbenocommerce。Wherepromisesarenotobserv’d，therecanbenoleaguesnoralliances。Theadvantages，therefore，ofpeace，commerce，andmutualsuccour，makeusextendtodifferentkingdomsthesamenotionsofjustice，whichtakeplaceamongindividuals。
Thereisamaximverycurrentintheworld，whichfewpoliticiansarewillingtoavow，butwhichhasbeenauthoriz’dbythepracticeofallages，thatthereisasystemofmoralscakulatedforprinces，muchmorefreethanthatwhichoughttogovernprivateparsons。Tisevidentthisisnottobeunderstoodofthelesserextentofpublicdutiesandobligations；norwillanyonebesoextravagantastoassert，thatthemostsolemntreatiesoughttohavenoforceamongprinces。Forasprincesdoactuallyformtreatiesamongthemselves，theymustproposesomeadvantagefromtheexecutionofthem；andtheprospectofsuchadvantageforthefuturemustengagethemtoperformtheirpart，andmustestablishthatlawofnature。Themeaning，therefore，ofthispoliticalmaximis，thattho’themoralityofprinceshasthesameextent，yetithasnotthesameforceasthatofprivatepersons，andmaylawfullybetrangress’dfromamoretrivialmotive。Howevershockingsuchapropositionmayappeartocertainphilosophers，`twillbeeasytodefendituponthoseprinciples，bywhichwehaveaccountedfortheoriginofjusticeandequity。
Whenmenhavefoundbyexperience，that`tisimpossibletosubsistwithoutsociety，andthat`tisimpossibletomaintainsociety，whiletheygivefreecoursetotheirappetites；sourgentaninterestquicklyrestrainstheiractions，andimposesanobligationtoobservethoserules，whichwecallthelawsofjustice。Thisobligationofinterestrestsnorhere；butbythenecessarycourseofthepassionsandsentiments，givesrisetothemoralobligationofduty；whileweapproveofsuchactionsastendtothepeaceofsociety，anddisapproveofsuchastendtoitsdisturbance。Thesamenaturalobligationofinteresttakesplaceamongindependentkingdoms，andgivesrisetothesamemorality；sothatnooneofeversocorruptmoralswillapproveofaprince，whovoluntarily，andofhisownaccord，breakshisword，orviolatesanytreaty。Butherewemayobserve，thattho’theintercourseofdifferentstatesbeadvantageous，andevensometimesnecessary，yetitisnorsonecessarynoradvantageousasthatamongindividuals，withoutwhich`tisutterlyimpossibleforhumannatureevertosubsist。Since，therefore，thenaturalobligationtojustice，amongdifferentstates，isnotsostrongasamongindividuals，themoralobligation，whicharisesfromit，mustpartakeofitsweakness；andwemustnecessarilygiveagreaterindulgencetoaprinceorminister，whodeceivesanother；thantoaprivategentleman，whobreakshiswordofhonour。
Shou’ditbeask’d，whatproportionthesetwospeciesofmoralitybeartoeachother？Iwou’danswer，thatthisisaquestion，towhichwecannevergiveanypreciseanswer；norisitpossibletoreducetonumberstheproportion，whichweoughttofixbetwixtthem。Onemaysafelyaffirm，thatthisproportionfindsitself，withoutanyartorstudyofmen；aswemayobserveonmanyotheroccasions。Thepracticeoftheworldgoesfartherinteachingusthedegreesofourduty，thanthemostsubtilephilosophy，whichwaseveryetinvented。Andthismayserveasaconvincingproof，thatallmenhaveanimplicitnotionofthefoundationofthosemoralrulesconcerningnaturalandciviljustice，andaresensible，thattheyarisemerelyfromhumanconventions，andfromtheinterest，whichwehaveinthepreservationofpeaceandorder。Forotherwisethediminutionoftheinterestwou’dneverproducearelaxationofthemorality，andreconcileusmoreeasilytoanytransgressionofjusticeamongprincesandrepublics，thanintheprivatecommerceofonesubjectwithanother。
