第32章

Incomparingthedecisionsofthehighercourtswiththoseofthelowertheycontrastmostsignallywiththedecisionsrenderedbyjuriesinthelowertribunals。Whilethiscontrasthasasignificanceinanotherconnection，itcastsnoshadowonthelegalityofthedecisionsofthecourtsofhigherinstance。Thejuries，ingreatmeasure，speakforthestrainedsympathiesofthevulgar，whichareamattersomewhatapartfromthefoundationsoflawandorder。(9*) Popularsentiment，then，doesnotatalluniformlybearoutthesedecisionsofthecourtsindisputesbetweenpropertyrightsandnakedmankind，especiallynotinthemorerigorousenforcementoftheprincipleoffreecontract。Thisdiscrepancyservestoshowthatthevulgar，thelaity，fromwhosenumbersthejuriesaredrawn，havenotanadequatesenseoftheprinciplesthatlieattherootofthelaw；whichmaybedueinparttotheirnotrealizinghowessentialafoundationoflaw，order，andcommonwelfaretheseprinciplesofnaturallibertyare。Thevisibledisparityinthedistributionofpropertymaymakethoseclasseswhohavelittlepropertyenviousofthewealthymembers，andsomakethemloseinterestinthemaintenanceoftherightsofproperty。Butapartfromthis，thedisciplineofdailylife，fromwhichthecommon-sensenotionsofthevulgarareingoodpartderived，isnolongerinfullaccordwiththenatural-rightsconceptionshandeddownfromtheeighteenthcentury。Inotherwords，theconceptionsofnaturalrightsonwhichthecommonlawrestsembodyatechnicallycompetentformulationofthedeliverancesofthatbodyofcommonsensewhichwasinculcatedbythedisciplineofeverydaylifeintheeighteenthcentury，beforetheadventofthecurrentsituation；whereasthedisciplineofeverydaylifeunderthecurrenttechnologicalandbusinesssituationinculcatesabodyofcommon-senseviewssomewhatatvariancewiththereceivednatural-rightsnotions。 Thereisapparentlysomethingofadivergencebetweenthereceivednotionsonthisheadandthedeliverancesoflatter-daycommonsense。Thedivergenceisneitherwelldefinednorconsistent。Thelatter-dayattitudetowardquestionsofthekindinvolvedisvague，chieflynegativeorcritical，andapparentlyfluctuating；butafterallthereisasomewhatpersistentdivergence，whichmayevenbesaidtohaveasystematiccharacter，sofarasitgoes。Itrunsinthedirectionofa(partialandvacillating)disavowalordistrustofthemetaphysicsoffreecontract，andevenofnaturallibertygenerally。Thisuncertaintyofallegiancetothereceivedfoundationsoflawandorderprevailsinunequaldegreesamongthevariousclassesofthecommunity，beingapparentlylargestandmostoutspokenamongtheworkmenoftheindustrialtowns，andbeing，onthewhole，lessnoticeableamongthepropertiedandprofessionalclassesandtheruralpopulation。Thepeculiarclassdistributionofthisdisintegrationofreceivedconvictions，aswellasitsconnectionwithmodernindustrialconditions，willbetakenupagainpresentlyinanotherconnection。 Thestate，thatistosay，thegovernment，wasonceanorganizationforthecontrolofaffairsintheinterestofprincelyordynasticends。Ininternalaffairsstatecraftwasoccupiedwithquestionsofthedynasticsuccession，theendeavorsandintriguesofthepoliticalmagnates，fiscaladministrationdirectedtofindingadequatesupportfortheprincelypower，andthelike。Inexternalpoliticstheobjectiveendwasdynasticprestigeandsecurity，militarysuccess，andthelike。Suchisstillinparttheendofpoliticalendeavorinthosecountries，as，e。g。，Germany，Austria，orItaly，wherethetransitiontoaconstitutionalgovernmenthasnotbeencompleted。Butsincetheadventofconstitutionalgovernmentandparliamentaryrepresentation，businessendshavetakentheleadofdynasticendsinstatecraft，verymuchinthesamemeasureasthetransitiontoconstitutionalmethodshasbeeneffectuallycarriedthrough。Aconstitutionalgovernmentisabusinessgovernment。Itisparticularlythroughthebusinessexpedientofparliamentaryvotingonthebudgetthatanyconstitutionalexecutive，e。g。，iskeptwithinconstitutionalbounds；andthebudgetisvotedwithamainviewtoitsexpediencyforbusinessends。Theexpediencyofbusinessenterpriseisnotquestioned，whereastheexpediencyofanincreaseofprincelypoweranddignity，withtheincidentalcosts，maybequestioned。 Moderngovernmentalpolicies，lookingastheydotothefurtheringofbusinessinterestsastheirchiefcare，areofa“mercantile“complexion。Theyaimtofostertrade，asdidthemercantilepoliciesofthesixteenthandseventeenthcenturies，althoughsince“trade“hascometoincludemuchelsethanforeigncommerce，themodernpolicieslooktobusinessinthemorecomprehensivesensewhichthetermnownecessarilyhas。Butthesemodernmercantilepolicies，withtheirtariffs，treaties，interstatecommerceregulations，andmaximsprohibitingall“restraintoftrade，“areafterallnotofthesamenatureasthemercantilepoliciesoftheoldFrenchandGermanstatesmen，whichtheysuperficiallyresemble。Theold“mercantilesystem，“asitprevailedontheContinentofEurope，wasconceivedintheinterestoftheprince，thefurtheringofcommercialadvantagebeingameanstoprincelypoweranddignity。(10*)Themodernmercantilismunderconstitutionalrule，ontheotherhand，lookstotheprinceortothegovernmentasameanstotheendofcommercialgain。Withthetransitiontoconstitutionalruleandmethods，thediscretionandautonomyinthecasehaspassedfromthehandsoftheprinceintothoseofthebusinessmen，andtheinterestsofthebusinessmenhavesupersededthoseofthecrown。 Representativegovernmentmeans，chiefly，representationofbusinessinterests。Thegovernmentcommonlyworksintheinterestofthebusinessmenwithafairlyconsistentsinglenessofpurpose。Andinitssolicitudeforthebusinessmen’sinterestsitisborneoutbycurrentpublicsentiment，forthereisanaive，unquestioningpersuasionabroadamongthebodyofthepeopletotheeffectthat，insomeoccultway，thematerialinterestsofthepopulacecoincidewiththepecuniaryinterestsofthosebusinessmenwholivewithinthescopeofthesamesetofgovernmentalcontrivances。Thispersuasionisanarticleofpopularmetaphysics，inthatitrestsonanuncriticallyassumedsolidarityofinterests，ratherthanonaninsightintotherelationofbusinessenterprisetothematerialwelfareofthoseclasseswhoarenotprimarilybusinessmen。Thispersuasionisparticularlysecureamongthemoreconservativeportionofthecommunity，thebusinessmen，superiorandsubordinate，togetherwiththeprofessionalclasses，ascontrastedwiththosevulgarportionsofthecommunitywhoaretaintedwithsocialisticoranarchisticnotions。Butsincetheconservativeelementcomprisesthecitizensofsubstanceandweight，andindeedtheeffectivemajorityoflaw-abidingcitizens，itfollowsthat，withthesanctionofthegreatbodyofthepeople，evenincludingthosewhohavenopecuniaryintereststoserveinthematter，constitutionalgovernmenthas，inthemain，becomeadepartmentofthebusinessorganizationandisguidedbytheadviceofthebusinessmen。Thegovernmenthas，ofcourse，muchelsetodobesidesadministeringthegeneralaffairsofthebusinesscommunity；butinmostofitswork，eveninwhatisnotostensiblydirectedtobusinessends，itisunderthesurveillanceofthebusinessinterests。Itseldomhappens，ifatall，thatthegovernmentofacivilizednationwillpersistinacourseofactiondetrimentalornotostensiblysubservienttotheinterestsofthemoreconspicuousbodyofthecommunity’sbusinessmen。Thedegreeinwhichagovernmentfailstoadaptitspolicytothesebusinessexigenciesisthemeasureofitssenility。 Thegroundofsentimentonwhichreststhepopularapprovalofagovernmentforbusinessendsmaybesummedupundertwoheads:patriotismandproperty。Bothofthesetermsstandforinstitutionalfactsthathavecomedownoutofapastwhichdifferedsubstantiallyfromthepresentsituation。Thesubstanceofbothisofthenatureofunreasoningsentiment，inthesensethatbothareinsistedonasamatterofcourse，asself-legitimatinggroundsofactionwhich，itisfelt，notonlygiveexpedientrulesofconduct，butadmitofnoquestionastotheirulteriorconsequencesortheirvalueforthelife-purposesofthecommunity。Theformerofthesefundamentalinstitutionalhabitsofthought(perhapsbetter，habitsofmind)runsbacktothedisciplineofearlybarbarism，throughthefeudaldaysoffealtytotheearlierdaysofclanlifeandclannishanimosity。 Ithasthereforethedeep-rootedstrengthgivenbyanextremelyprotracteddisciplineofpredationandservitude。Undermodernconditionsitistoberatedasessentiallyaninstitutionalsurvival，soingrainedinthepopulaceastomakeanyappealtoitsecureofaresponseirrespectiveofthematerialmeritsofthecontentioninwhosebehalftheappealismade。(11*) Byforceofthishappyknackofclannishfancythecommonmanisenabledtofeelthathehassomesortofmetaphysicalshareinthegainswhichaccruetothebusinessmenwhoarecitizensofthesame“commonwealth“；sothatwhateverpolicyfurthersthecommercialgainsofthosebusinessmenwhosedomicileiswithinthenationalboundariesisfelttobebeneficialtoalltherestofthepopulation。(12*) Thesecondinstitutionalsupportofbusinesspolitics，viz。 property，issimilarlyanoutgrowthofthedisciplineofthepast，andsimilarly，thoughperhapsinalessdegree，outoftouchwiththedisciplineofthemorerecentculturalsituation。 Intheforminwhichitprevailsinthecurrentpopularanimus，theprincipleofownershipcomesdownfromthedaysofhandicraftindustryandpettytrade，aspointedoutabove。Asitisoflessancientandlessunbrokendescent，soitseemsalsotobealesssecureculturalheritagethanthesenseofpatrioticsolidarity。 Itsaysthattheownershipofpropertyisthematerialfoundationofhumanwellbeing，andthatthisnaturalrightofownershipissacred，afterthemannerinwhichindividuallife，andmoreespeciallynationallife，issacred。Thehabitsoflifeandthoughtinculcatedbyjointworkunderthemanorialsystemandbyjointrulesunderthehandicraftsystemhaveapparentlycontributedmuchtothenotionofasolidarityofeconomicinterests，havinggiventhenotionsuchadegreeofconsistencyashasenabledittopersistinthefaceofavisiblediscrepancyofinterestsinlater，capitalistictimes。Underthiscurrent，businessregime，businessgainsarethebasisofindividualwealth，andthe(pseudo)notionofjointacquisitionhastakentheplaceofthemanorialnotionofjointwork。Theinstitutionalanimusofownership，asittookshapeunderthedisciplineofearlymodernhandicraft，awardstheownershipofpropertytotheworkmanwhohasproducedit。Byadialecticalconversionoftheterms，thismetaphysicaldictumismadetofitthecircumstancesoflatercompetitivebusinessbyconstruingacquisitionofpropertytomeanproductionofwealth；sothatabusinessmanislookeduponastheputativeproducerofwhateverwealthheacquires。Byforceofthissophisticationtheacquisitionofpropertybyanypersonisheldtobe，notonlyexpedientfortheowner，butmeritoriousasanactionservingthecommongood。 Failuretobargainshrewdlyortoaccumulatemoregoodsthanonehasproducedbytheworkofone’sownhandsislookeduponwithafeelingofannoyance，asaneglect，notonlyofopportunity，butofduty。Thepecuniaryconsciencecommonlydoesnot，ofcourse，gotoquixoticlengthsinapublicspiritedinsistenceoneverybody’sacquiringmorethananaliquotpartoftheaggregatewealthonhand，butitisfeltthathebestservesthecommongoodwho，otherthingsequal，divertsthelargershareoftheaggregatewealthtohisownpossession。Hisacquiringadefensibletitletoitmakeshimtheputativeproducerofit。 Thenatural-rightsbasisofownershipisbythisparalogismpreservedintact，andthecommonmanisenabledtofeelthatthebusinessmeninthecommunityaddtotheaggregatewealthatleastasmuchastheyacquireatitleto；andthesuccessfulbusinessmenareatleastaswellpersuadedthatsuchistheirrelationtotheaggregatewealthandtothematerialwell-beingofthecommunityatlarge。Sothatboththebusinessmenwhosegainsaresoughttobeenhancedbybusinesspoliticsandthepopulacebywhosemeansthebusinessgainsaresecuredworktogetheringoodfaithtowardsawell-advisedbusinessend，-theaccumulationofwealthinthehandsofthosemenwhoareskilledinpecuniarymatters。(13*)