第7章

类别:其他 作者:Maxime Kovalevsky字数:21139更新时间:19/01/04 16:07:59
Thesystemoflandendowmentsinfavourofthehigherclergyandmonasteries,andalsoofpersonsbelongingtotheknightlyclass,hadincreasedtosuchanextentthat,accordingtomoderncalculation,two-thirdsofthecultivatedareawasalreadythepropertyeitherofecclesiasticsorofseculargrandees。Itisthereforeeasytounderstandwhy,duringthesixteenthcentury,themigratorystateoftheRussianagriculturalpopulationcametobeconsideredasarealdangertotheStatebythehigherclassesofRussiansociety。Themostpowerfulofthenoblesandgentrydidtheirbesttoretainthepeasantsontheirlands。Somewentevenfarther,and,byalleviatingtheburdensofvillein-service,andsecuringamoreefficientprotectionforthemfromadministrativeoppression,inducedthepeasantswhoinhabitedthelandsofsmallersquirestoleavetheiroldhomesandsettleontheirmanors。ItwasinordertoprotectthesmalllandownersfromthissortofoppressionthatBorisGoudonov,theall-powerfulrulerofRussiainthereignofTheodorIvanovitch,promulgatedalaw,accordingtowhicheveryonewasauthorisedtoinsistonthereturnofapeasantwholefthisabode,andthatduringthefiveyearsnextfollowinghisdeparture。Thislawwaspromulgatedin1597。AsnomentionismadeinitoftherightpreviouslyenjoyedbythepeasantsofremovingfromonemanortoanotheronSt。George’sDay,thislawof1597hasbeenconsideredbyhistoriansasthedirectcauseoftheintroductionoftheso-called\"bondagetothesoil\"(krepostnoiepravo)。Suchwascertainlynotitsobject。TherightofmigrationontheDayofSt。Georgewasopenlyacknowledgedbythelawsof1601and1602。 Thebondageofthepeasanttothesoilbecameanestablishedfactonlyintheyear1648,whenthenewcodeoflaw,theso-calledOulogienie(chap。xi),refusedtoanyonetherighttoreceiveonhislandsthepeasantwhoshouldrunawayfromamanor,andabolishedthatlimitoftimebeyondwhichthelandlordlosttherighttoreclaimthepeasantwhohadremovedfromhisancientdwelling。 Thenumberofserfsrapidlyincreasedduringthesecondhalfoftheseventeenthandtheeighteenthcenturies,owingtotheprodigalitywithwhichtheCzarsandEmperorsendowedthemembersoftheofficialclasswithlands,indisregardoftenoftheirpreviousoccupationbyfreevillagecommunities,themembersofwhichwereforcedtobecometheserfsofthepersonswhoreceivedthegrant。ItisinthiswaythatCatherineII,forinstance,duringthethirty-fouryearsofherreign,increasedthenumberofserfsby800,000newones,andthatPaulI,inaperiodoffouryears,added600,000tothenumber,whichwasalreadyenormous。 BeforethereignofCatherine,serfdomwasalmostunknowninLittleRussia,whereithadbeenabolishedbyBogdanChmelnitzky,soonaftertheseparationofLittleRussiafromPoland,andintheUkraine(themodernGovernmentofKharkov),whereithadneverbeforeexisted。In1788sherevokedtherighthithertoenjoyedbythepeasantsofthesetwoprovincestoremovefromonemanortoanother。Thesamerightoffreeremovalwasabolishedafewyearslaterinthe\"LandoftheDonKossacks\"andamongthepeasantsoftheSouthernGovernments,calledNewRussia(Novorossia)。 ButifthesecondpartoftheeighteenthcenturysawtheterritorialextensionofserfdomoveralmostalltheEmpire,itwasalsotheperiodinwhichfirstbeganthemovementwhichledtoemancipation。FromFrancecamethefirstappealsfortheliberationoftheserfs。In1766theSocietyofPoliticalEconomistsfoundedinPetersburgonthemodeloftheagriculturalsocietiesofFrancewasaskedbytheimpresstoanswerthequestion:\"WhethertheStatewouldbebenefitedbytheserfbecomingthefreeownerofhisland?\"MarmontelandVoltaireconsideredittobetheirdutytoexpressopinionsinfavourofapartialabolitionofserfdom。Marmontelthoughtthatthetimewascometosupersedevillein-servicebyasortofhereditarycopyhold。Voltairewentastepfarther,invitingtheimpresstoliberateimmediatelytheserfsontheChurchlands。Astotherest,freecontractaloneoughttosettlethequestionoftheiremancipation。AnotherFrenchmanmuchlessknown,thelegistBeardedel’Abaye,gaveitashisopinionthattheGovernmentshouldmaintainastrictneutralitytowardsthequestionofserfdom。Itoughttobeabolishedonlybyfreecontractbetweenlandlordsandserfs,theformerendowingthelatterwithsmallparcelsofland。Inthiswaytheserfwouldbecomeaprivateowner,sothatincaseheshouldrentanylandfromthesquire,thesquirewouldbeabletoseizethepeasant’splotincaseofnon-paymentofhisrent。DiderotwastheonlyFrenchmanwhoacknowledgedthenecessityofanimmediateabolitionofpersonalservitude;butinhisletterstotheEmpresshedoesnotsayasinglewordaboutthenecessityforsecuringtotheliberatedserfatleastasmallportionofthemanorialland。 AlthoughCatherineIIwaswillingtobeadvisedbytheEncyclopedistsastothewayinwhichserfdommightbeabolished,shetookeffectualmeanstopreventtheexpressionofRussianpublicopiniononthesamesubject。AmemorialpresentedtothePetersburgSocietyofPoliticalEconomistsbyayoungRussianauthorcalledPelenevwasnotallowedtoappearinprint,fornootherreasonthanthatitcontainedacriticismontheexistingsystemofserfdom。(1*)Theauthorofthememorialdidnotdemandtheimmediateabolitionofthisoldwrong;heonlywantedtoseeitreplacedbyasortofperpetualcopyhold。TheGovernmentwasmoreseveretowardsanotherRussianwriter,Radischev,whowasthefirsttoadvocatenotonlythepersonallibertyoftheserf,butalsohisendowmentwithland。TheworkofRadischev(2*) appearedin1789,severalyearsafterthesuppressionoftheinsurrectionarymovementofPougachev,butitwasregardedasasortofcommentaryonthedemandfor\"libertyandland,\"whichtheRussianpeasanthadaddressedtothatleader,whohadanswereditbyasolemnpromisethathewouldmaketheserffreeandprosperous。CatherinenotonlyorderedtheimmediatesuppressionoftheworkofRadischev,butbroughttheauthorbeforetheCourtsofJustice,accusinghimofbeingatraitortohiscountry。Radischevwascondemnedtodeath;butthispenaltywascommutedtoperpetualbanishmenttoSiberia。 ItwasnottillthereignofAlexandertheFirstthattheRussianGovernmentbegantotakeeffectualmeasurestoamelioratethesocialconditionoftheserf。Accordingtotheaccountgivenbythoseimmediatelyaroundhim,andespeciallybyAdamCzartorysky,Alexanderwasanavowedfriendofpeasantemancipation。Hegavehisfirmsupporttotheproposedlawgivingthelandlordstherighttoliberatetheirserfs,andeventoendowthemwithsharesintheopenfieldsiftheypaidforthem。 In1803thislawwaspassed,and47,000serfsweresoonafterenfranchised,andbecameaseparateclassunderthenameofthe\"freeagriculturists。\"Sixteenyearslater(in1819)theenfranchisementoftheserfbecameanaccomplishedfactinthethreeBalticprovinces,thepeasantobtainingthefreedisposalofhispersononconditionofabandoningtohislandlordtheparcelsofgroundpreviouslyinhispossession。Thisreformwasaccomplishedinthesamemannerasthatcarriedoutin1812byNapoleonintheKingdomofPoland。InthethoroughlyRussianprovincesnodirectmeasureswereatthistimetakentoabolishthelegalservitudeofthepeasant,butthequestionwasmorethanoncedebatedinprivatecirclesandbylearnedbodies。Intheyear1812,forinstance,thePetersburgSocietyofPoliticalEconomistsdeclaredthatitwouldgive2000roublestotheauthorofthebesttreatiseonthequestionoftherelativeadvantagesoffreeandservilelabourinagriculture。ThisquestionbyitselfshowstheinfluencewhichAdamSmith’s\"WealthofNations,\"whichhadbeentranslatedintoRussianin1803,wasbeginningtoexerciseonRussianthought。NinetreatiseswereforwardedtotheSociety,ofwhichthreeonlywereinfavourofthefurthermaintenanceofservilelabour。Butthegreaternumberexpressedtheopinionthattheenfranchisementoftheserf,providedthathewasallowedtokeepthelandheoccupied,wouldbeofgreatadvantagetothelandlordhimself。Thisidea,inconformitytowhichserfdomhadbeenabolishedintheBalticprovinces,wastheexpressionofafactquitefamiliartothestudentofeconomichistory。Theworkofanenslavedlabourerisneversoproductiveasthatofafreelabourer。Solongasrentislow,ascertainlywasthecaseinRussiainpastcenturies,theworkoftheserfisbynomeansfairlyrecompensedbythelandheowns。Butinthefirstquarterofthenineteenthcentury,whenRussiabegantobeconsideredasthegranaryofEurope,onaccountofthevastexportsofwheatfromherports,rentrapidlyrose,andthisriseproducedacompletechangeintherelativevalueofservileworkandthelandwhichwasinthepossessionofthepeasant。 ThequestionputbytheSocietyofPoliticalEconomistscouldnot,therefore,possiblyhavereceivedanyotheranswerthanthatgiventoitbythemajorityoftheauthorswhosentinpaperstotheSociety。Serfdomwasrapidlybecomingaburdenonthemanoriallordsthemselves,asmanyofthembegantobeconscious。 ThebaronsoftheBalticshorewerethefirsttounderstandtheadvantagewhichtheliberationoftheserf,followedbyaresumptionofthegroundheowned,wouldhaveontheirclassinterests。ThenobilityofToulaandRiasan,aswellasthatofDinabourg,Petersburg,andCzarskoieSelo,seemedalsotobecomeconsciousofthisfact,fortheypetitionedtheEmperorNicholastoestablishlocalcommitteeswhomightpreparetheoutlinesofanewemancipationact。AmongthenoblesimmediatelysurroundingtheCzar,PrinceMentchikovexpressedhisopinionofthedesirabilityandadvantageoffreeingthepeasantandatthesametimeofenrichingthelandlordbyleavinginhishandsallthosesharesinthecommongroundwhichhadbeenheldbythepeasants。 TheinterestsofthenobilitycertainlyrequiredtheestablishmentofaclasssimilartothatoftheEnglishlabourers,butthepeasantswerenaturallyaversetoanychangewhichwouldlessentheirholdonthesoil。In1812apeasantrisingtookplaceintheGovernmentofPensa,therevoltedserfsexpressingtheirwantsbytheoldmotto\"libertyandLand。\"In1826againthesamemottowasthewatchwordofanotherrising,thistimeprovokedbyarumourthatlandandlibertywouldshortlybesecuredtotheserfs。 Undertheinfluenceofthisclearexpressionofthepeople’swants,theGovernmentofNicholasabandonedallideaofemancipationwhichwasnottobefollowedbytheendowmentofthepeasantwithland。Notdaring,asheopenlyacknowledgedtolayhandsonthesacredrightsofprivatepropertybyliberatingtheserfsandmakingthemfreeownersofthesoil,Nicholasproposedtoaltertheexistingconditionoftheserfbymakinghimasortofcopyholderorperpetualtenantofsmallparcelsofmanorialground,onconditionofthepaymentofperpetualrent。InthePolishprovinces,suchcopyholdtenures,veryliketheFrenchcensives,werealreadyinexistence。TheGovernment,therefore,onlyextendedasystemwhichalreadyexistedwhen,in1842,theyorderedthepreparationineachmanorofasortofregistry,called\"inventory,\"inwhichtheamountofpaymentsinkindandmoney,madebytheserfstothelandlord,weretobeinscribed,inorderthatinfuturenootherleviesmightbemade。 Neitherofthesetwoschemesforamendingtheuntenablepositionoftheserfwasgoodenoughtoobtaintheapprobationofthosetowhom,atthistime,actuallybelongedtheguidanceofpubicopinion。ItwillbetotheeternalhonouroftheRussianpressthatitconstantlypreachedinfavourofareformwhichwouldatonceliberatetheserfandmakehimlegalownerofthesharesofmanorialgroundwhichwerealreadyinhispossession。 Amongthepersonsdirectlyimplicatedintheinsurrectionarymovementofthe24thofDecember1825,two,PestelandJakoushkine,hadalreadydeclaredthemselvestobesupportersofsuchascheme。 Thediffusionofsocialistideasgreatlycontributedtostrengthenamongtheliteraryclassthepersuasionthatitwouldbeimpossibletoliberatetheserfotherwisethanbyendowinghimwithland。Thewell-knownplotwhichwasorganisedbyPetroschevsky,amongitsotheraims,hadthatofallottingparcelsofgroundtotheliberatedserf。ThegreatexileHerzen,inaRussiannewspaperthenpublishedinLondon,openlyexpressedhisopinionthatthecommonownershipofthelandshouldberetainedinthehandsoftheenfranchisedpeasant;andamongthemanyschemesofemancipation,whichcirculatedintheformofmanuscriptduringthelatterpartofNicholas’sreign,morethanoneadvocatedthenecessityofretainingtheancienttieswhichboundthepeasanttothesoilbymakinghimthelegalownerofhisshareintheopenfields。 The\"providentialmission\"oftheCzarAlexandertheSecondwasthereforedisclosedinastateofsocietywhichwasalreadypreparedtoacceptthegeneraloutlinesofasocialreform,theendofwhichwouldbenotonlytoliberate,butalsotoenrich,thepeasant。AssoonasAlexanderascendedthethronerumoursbegantobecirculatedastotheapproachingabolitionofserfdom。Theunexpecteddeathofhisfatherplacedhimonthethroneatamomentofgreatandgeneraldepression,occasionedbythedefeatoftheRussianmilitaryforcesunderthewallsofSebastopol。TheyoungEmperormadeaneloquentappealtothepatriotismofhissubjects,invitingthemtoincreasethemeansofdefencebyavoluntarylevyofakindofmilitia,knownunderthenameofOpolchenie。Thismeasurestrengthenedthebeliefinthenearnessofsocialandpoliticalreforms。Thepeasants,enrolledintheself-raisedregimentsofthemilitia,begantothinkthattheirmoreorlessvoluntarysacrificeoflifeandfortunewouldherewardedbyacompleteliberationfromtheignominiousbondsofpersonalservitude。Crowdsofserfsaskedtobeadmittedintothemilitia,expectingtoattainfreedominthisway。 WhenthePeaceofPariswassigned,andthepeasantsofthemilitiawereorderedtoreturntotheirdailytasks,theyopenlyexpressedtheirbeliefthatthechartersbywhichtheEmperorhadliberatedthemfrombondagewereconcealedbytheirlandlords。 Theserumoursproducedgreatexcitement。Theyears1854and1855 arenotoriousforaseriesoflocalrebellions。TheseinsurrectionstookplacepartlyontheshoresoftheVolga,whichhadalreadyfelt,inthetimeofCatherinetheSecond,thehorrorsofajacquerie,partlyinsomeCentralandSouth-westernGovernments,suchasVladimir,Riasan,Tambov,Pensa,Voronej,andKiev。Theserevolutionarymovements,directedexclusivelyagainstthefeudalaristocracy,producedagreatimpressionontheCzarAlexander。AddressingthechiefsoftheMoscovitenobility(theso-calledmarshals),theCzarshowedhisappreciationofthewantsofthetimebythefollowingwords: \"Gentlemen,yousurelyunderstandyourselvestheimpossibilityofretaining,withoutalterationandchange,theexistingmodeofowningsouls[ausualexpression,themeaningofwhichistherighttotheunpaidworkoftheserfs]。Itisbettertoabolishpersonalservitudebylegislativemeasuresthantoseeitabolishedbyamovementfrombelow。Iaskyoutoconsidersuchmeasuresasmightforwardthisend。\"Thesepromisingwords,althoughfollowedbyadirectdeclarationthatserfdomwasnottobeabolishedatonce,strengthenedtheexpectationsofthosewhothoughtthatthenewreignwouldinaugurateaneraofwidesocialandpoliticalreform。AlthoughtheGovernor-GeneralofMoscow,Zakrevsky,didhisbesttopersuadethenobilitythatallprojectsconcerningtheabolitionofserfdomwerelaidaside,itverysoonappearedthatsuchwasbynomeanstheintentionoftheCzar;forduringthecoronationtheHomeSecretary,Lanskoy,bythedirectcommandofAlexander,enteredintocommunicationwiththosenoblemenwhowerepresentinMoscow,inordertoascertainwhatweretheiropinionsastothebestmeansofbringingaboutanameliorationintheactualconditionoftheserfs。ThesenegotiationsleftnodoubtastotheanimositywithwhichthenobilityofGreatRussiaconsideredeveryplantendingtotheemancipationofthepeasant。ThisinducedtheMinistertoturnhiseyestothoseprovincesinwhichtheideaofliberatingtheserfshadtakenrootatthetimewhenpersonalservitudehadbeenabolishedbyNapoleonIintheneighbouringdistrictsofPoland,particularlytheGovernmentsofVilna,Kovno,andGrodno。 TheLithuaniannobleswerealreadyfavourabletotheidea,andwereeasilyinducedbytheGovernorGeneralNasimovtopresenttotheCzaranaddressaskingfortheabolitionofbondage,butatthesametimedemandingexclusivepossessionofthelandforthenobility。YouthereforeseethattheconditionsonwhichtheLithuaniannobleswantedtoseetheenfranchisementcarriedoutwerethesameasthoseonwhichithadbeenalreadycarriedoutinPolandandtheBalticprovinces。Seeingthedifficultyofpreservingfortheirownprofittheunpaidservicesofthepeasant,theywereanxioustosecuretothemselvesthemonopolyofthesoil。Theserfwastobeallowedtobecomeafreepersononlyonconditionofremainingaproletarian,livingexclusivelyonthewagesheearned。Carriedoutonsuchconditions,theemancipationwouldhardlyhavemetwiththeapprovalofthosewhoweremostdirectlyconcerned。AsfarbackasthereignoftheEmpressCatherinethepeasanthadplainlydeclaredthathewantednotonlyliberty,butland。Hewasmindfulofhisancientstate,previoustothatofbondage,which,aswehavealreadyshown,wasthestateofanownerincommonofthegroundhemadefruitfulbyhiswork。Nopoweronearthwouldhavebeenstrongenoughtobreaktheties,centuriesold,whichunitedhimtothesoil。Itwasnodoubtintheinterestsofthenobilitytoseethesetiesbroken,forwhocouldbethegainersinaschemewhichpromisedenhancementofthemercantilevalueofthesoilandcheaplabour,ifnotthosewhohadsecuredtothemselvesthemonopolyofthepropertyinland?What,ontheotherhand,wastheliberatedproletariantobecomeifnotalabourer,givenuptoeternaltoilontheestatesofaland-monopolisingnobility,andboundtoreceivefromtheirhandsthosebarewageswhichwouldcovertheexpenseofhisexistence?TheEmperorandsomepersonsinhisconfidence,wereconsciousofthesocialevilswhichtheexecutionofsuchaplanwouldproduce。ItwillbetotheeternalgloryofAlexandertohaveansweredtherequestoftheLithuaniannobilitybyadecreebywhich,whilstallowingtheestablishmentoflocalcommitteesfortheelaborationofmeasureswhichmightachievetheemancipationinview,heplainlydeclaredthattheliberatedserfsoughttobesecuredatleastinthepossessionoftheirhomesteadsandofthelandbelongingtothesehomesteads(theso-calledhomestead-land——ousadebnaiiazemlia)。Thisexpressionwasobscureandambiguous,foritwasnoteasytoestablishthelimitsoftheso-calledhomestead-land。Wasittobeconsideredasacompoundofallthevariouscommunalprivilegesofwhichthepeasantwaspossessed,ortomeanonlythegrounddirectlysurroundinghishabitation?Thisquestionremainedunsettled。 Inthewinterof1851thenobilityofPetersburg,notwishingtoremainbehindthatofLithuania,presentedtotheEmperoranaddressveryliketheonejustmentioned。Thisaddressandthedecreeitprovokeddeservetobementioned,fortheyshow,ononehand,thedesireofthearistocracytopreservenotonlyalltheadvantagesofaland-owningclass,butalsotoacertainextentthesocialdependenceunderwhichthepeasanthadlivedtowardsthemduringtheprecedingcenturies;and,ontheotherhand,thefirmdecisionoftheGovernmenttosecuretothepeasantatleasthispropertyinthehomesteadheoccupied,andinthelandwhichsurroundedit。ThedecreeiscurioustooasaprecisestatementoftheconditionsonwhichtheGovernmentintendedatfirsttoaccomplishthedifficulttaskofemancipation。Theyare,asyouwillsoonperceive,verydifferentfromthoseonwhichtheemancipationwasactuallyperformed。NoquestionismadeofthedirectinterferenceoftheStateinordertobuybackfromthenoblemantheplotsofgroundoccupiedbytheserfs。Thisendistobealoneattainedbywayoffreeagreementbetweentheparties。Aslongasthisagreementhasnottakenplacetheserfistocontinuetoperformtheagriculturallabourandmakethemoneypaymentsfixedbylaw。Thenobleman,ontheotherhand,exercises,asinthepast,akindoffeudaljusticeandpolice。 Thegroundofthewholemanorisdeclaredtobehisproperty;thepeasantistoreceivenootherendowmentbutthatofhishomestead。 ThenobilityofNijni-Novgorod,thatofMoscow,andofseveralotherprovinces,soonafterthispresenteddemandsnotveryunlikethosealreadymentioned。Theywereansweredinthesameway,andlocalcommittees,imposedofnoblemen,wereaccordinglyformed,inordertoelaboratetheoutlinesoftheintendedreforminaccordancewiththeviewsoftheGovernmentasalreadystated。Theseoutlinesweretobesentforfurtherexaminationtoacentralboard,whichwasfirstappointedonJanuary8,1858,andwasknownunderthenameofthe\"PrincipalCommitteeonthePeasantQuestion。\"TheywerealsotobethesubjectofcarefulstudyonthepartofanewlyopenedsectionoftheBoardofStatistics。Menofradicalideas,suchasNicolasMiliutineandSoloviev,wereincludedamongitsmembers。Thereactionaryparty,ontheotherhand,countedmorethanonememberinthe\"PrincipalCommitteeonthePeasantQuestion\",afactwhichinducedtheGovernmenttodetachfromthisCommitteetwoespecialsections,theso-called\"CommitteefortheDrawing-upoftheReformProject,\"andthatof\"TheElaborationofFinancialMeasures,neededtosecuretheExecutionofthePlaninView。\"TheguidanceofbothCommitteesandtheelectionoftheirmemberswereentrustedtoGeneralRostovzov,anavowedfriendoftheintendedreform。Animportantchangewasintroducedintotheworkingofthebureaucraticmachinerybythefactthatsomeelectedmembersoftheprovincialcommitteeswereallowedtohaveaseatatthemeetingsofthecentralbodies,andtoexercisetherethefunctionsofexperts。Amongthepersonssoappointedwefindseveralwell-knownSlavophiles,suchasSamarinandTcherkasky。 Theworkthecentralcommitteeshadtoperformwas,firstofall,thedrawing-upofaconcisestatementoftheresultsattainedbythedeliberationsofthelocalcommittees;next,thediscussionofthedifferentopinionswhichtheselatterhadexpressed;and,finally,thedrawing-upoftheconclusionstowhichthemembersofthecentralcommitteesthemselveshadarrived。Themembersofthecommitteesenjoyedthehithertounknownfreedomofexpressingtheiropinion,andofconsultingallsortsofpapersandbooks,notexcludingeventhosepublishedbyRussianemigrants。OneofthemembersprotestingagainsttheideaofdrawinginformationfromtheKolokol,aRussiannewspaperpublishedinLondonbythepoliticalrefugeeHerzen,thePresidentsaidthat,accordingtohisopinion,truthwastobetakenintoaccount,whoevermighthaveexpressedit。Theformalismandofficialsubordinationsomuchobservedbyourbureaucracywereforthefirsttimelaidaside,andeachmemberfranklyexpressedhisviews,howevermuchtheymightbeopposedtothoseofthePresident。ThecommitteeevenwentsofarastoacceptoncertainpointsdecisionswhichwerenotinaccordancewiththeImperialdecrees。ThelocalcommitteeappointedbythenobilityofTverwasthefirsttoexpresstheopinionthatthepeasantsoughttobeendowedwithlandbeyondthatwhichsurroundedtheirhomesteads。Thisopinionwasendorsedbythecentralcommittee,whichmaintainedthat,althoughitwascontradictorytotheletteroftheImperialdecrees,itwasinperfectcorrespondencewiththeirspirit。 Onanotheroccasionthe\"CommitteefortheDrawing-upoftheSchemeofReform\"showedthesameindependencebyadoptingtheviewfirstputforwardbymembersofthepress,thatitwasnecessarythattheGovernmentshouldcomeforwardtobuyupthelandwhichthenoblemanwascalledupontosurrendertothepeasantsofhismanor。NowthisviewwasquitethereverseofthatexpressedbytheImperialdecreeswehavepreviouslycited。 Inthewholeofthemovementthelargeandimportantpartplayedbythepublicpressismoststriking。Nodoubtcanbeentertainedthatatitsbeginningtheofficialstowhomwasentrustedtheelaborationoftheplanwereprofoundlyignorantofthebearingsofthequestion。ThePresidentoftheCommittee,GeneralRostovzov,franklyacknowledgedthisignorance,andinhisprivatecorrespondencewiththeCzarbetrayedhisfearsofanationalbankruptcyasthecertainresultoftheGovernmenttakingonitselftheredemptionofthelandswhichweretobecededtothepeasants——fearswhichseemalmostludicrousnowthatthisredemptionhasbeeneffected,andthefinancialinterestsoftheStatehavenotsufferedevenforamoment。 Awell-knownRussianeconomist,ProfessorIvanukoff,(3*)hastriedtoshowtowhatextentthepresssharedwiththeGovernmentthedifficulttaskofelaboratingthescheme,accordingtowhichtheserfsweretoobtain\"freedomandland。\"Heisquitecorrectwhenhesaysthat,withtheexceptionofasinglepapercalledtheJournalofLandedProprietors,thewholeRussianPressunanimouslydeclareditselfinfavour,notonlyoftheabolitionofpersonalservitude,butalsooftheendowmentofthepeasantswithland。SuchwritersasKatkof,thewell-knowneditoroftheMoscowGazette,amanwhohaslatelyplayedsoprominentapartinthereactionarymovement,werethentheopenfriendsofLiberalism,andrivalledthemostadvancedreformersintheirdefenceofcivilfreedom。TheopinionsofKatkofweresogreatlyatvariancewiththoseoftheGovernmentatthebeginningofthemovement,thathewasobligedtobringtoacloseaseriesofarticlesonthesocialconditionoftheserfswhichhehadbeguninhisperiodical,theRussianCourier。Anothereminentpublicist,Koschelev,whowastheauthorofoneofthenumerousprivateschemesofemancipation(theirnumberamountedtosixty-one),wasobligedatthesametimetoabandonthefurtherpublicationofajournalcalledtheWelfareoftheCountry,onaccountofthestronglanguageinwhichheadvocatedtheendowmentoftheliberatedserfwiththoseportionsofthelandalreadyinhispossession。ARussianmagazineofgreatrenown,theContemporary,wasatthesametimeonthepointofbeingsuppressedonaccountofanarticlewrittenbyProfessorKavelin,expressinghisviewsastotheopportunenessofredeemingthelandsactuallypossessedbythepeasants,andthat,too,withthedirecthelpoftheState。TheMinisterofPublicinstruction,EvgrafKovalevsky,wasevenaskedtoissueacircular,bywhichthecensorshipwasentrustedwiththepowerofsuppressinganyarticle,pamphlet,orbook,dealingwiththequestionofenfranchisement,thathadnotpreviouslybeenapprovedbythecentralcommittee。Thisuntimelywarfareagainstpublicopinionandthelibertyofthepress,fortunatelyenough,didnotlastlong。ThecircularwasprintedinApril,1858,andsevenmonthslatertheGovernmentrelaxedtherestrictionsimposed;andthatbecauseofthecompletechangeinitsownviewsastotheoutlinesofthereform。TheopinionsrecentlysuppressedbecamethoseoftheGovernment,andtheprosecutedwriterswereconsidered,forawhileatleast,itssurestallies。Iinsistonthesefacts,becauseIknowofnoinstancewhichbettercharacterisestheordinaryproceedingsoftheRussianbureaucracy。Itbegins,asarule,bysuppressingallthatliesinitsway,andthen,findingnootherissue,itadoptsthelineofconductwhichithasrecentlycondemned。Aforeignerwhohasnonotionofthismodeofproceduremustfindgreatdifficultyinunderstandinghowithappensthatinacountrywherenofreedomofthepressisrecognised,inwhichgeneralsandhighofficialsseemalonetohavetherightofprofessingopinionsonpublicmatters,thepress,nevertheless,hasmorethanonceexercisedadecisiveinfluenceonthecourseofpolitics。Theall-powerfulbureaucracyisveryoftenbutanempty-headedfool,anxioustoaccepttheideasofthedespisedandprosecutedjournalist。InRussia,aswellaseverywhereelse,thetrueandlastingpoweristhatofpublicopinion,andofthosewhoknowhowtoinfluenceit。PeriodsinwhichtheGovernmentactscontrarytopublicopinionoccurfromtimetotime。Theyareveryharmfultothosewhodaretoremainfaithfultotheiropinions。Forawhilenothingisheardofbuttheneedofsuppressionbothofopinionsandofthosewhopubliclyprofessthem。ButtimepassesandtheGovernmentbeginstoreapthefruitsofitsownsowing。Ateverystepittakes,itfindsonthepartofthoseitgovernsnothingbutill-will,ahiddenbutprofoundmistrust。Assoonasitfeelsthatitislosingallholdonthemindsandheartsofthepeople,itisthefirsttocondemnwhatithasrecentlypraised。Somefinemorningeverybodyisstalledbylearningthattheverymenwhohaddonetheirbesttorenderimpossiblethepublicexpressionofcertainideasarenowdrawingtheirinspirationfromthesesameideas。 ButIfeelthatIhavemadeperhapsanecessary,butatalleventsatoolong,digressionfromthedirectlineofmyinquiries。Iwillthereforereturntothematonce,andbeginbypointingoutthosepointsonwhichthecommitteeappointedtoelaboratethelawofenfranchisementcarriedoutintheirscheme——theopinionsofthepress。 Itwasthepresswhichfirstadvocatedthenotionthattheliberatedpeasantoughttobecometheownerofthelandactuallyinhispossession。SchemesforrealisingthisideahadbeenalreadyworkedoutinthereignofNicholasbysomepatrioticscholarsandpublicists。AmongthemwasProfessorKavelin,whoseprojectwaspublishedbytheRussiancontemporary,attheheadofotherarticles,ontheimpendingreform。ItwasonKavelinthatfirstfelltheresponsibilityofexpressingideasinoppositiontotheviewsoftheGovernment。HisopinionastothenecessityofendowingthepeasantwithlandsoonfoundanechointhedebatesofthenobilityofTver,whopetitionedtheCzartoextendhispromiseconcerninggrantsoflandtotheenfranchisedserf,notonlytohishomesteadandthegroundsurroundingit,butalsotothesharesthepeasantpossessedintheopenfieldsofthevillage。Ingivinganaccountofthedifferentopinionsexpressedbytheprovincialnobility,thecentralcommitteereferredtothisschemeproposedbythenobilityofTver,andrecommendedittotheGovernment。Thusweseehowprominentapartthepressplayedonthisoccasion。 Itsinfluencewasnolesspowerfulinthequestiononwhatprincipleshouldbebasedthefutureownershipexercisedbythepeasants。Twoschemes,widelydifferingfromeachother,wereatthesametimeproposedbythepress。Theone(chieflysupportedbyeconomistssuchasVernadsky,andpublicistslikeKatkof) recommendedtheimmediateacceptanceofmeasuresfavourabletothedevelopmentofprivateproperty;theother(supportedbythemajorityoftheSlavophileandRadicalpress)wasinfavourofthestrictmaintenanceofthevillagecommunitysystem,withitsperiodicalredistributionofland。Onthisquestion,SlavophilessuchasSamarinandKoschelevwenthandinhandwiththeSocialistTchernishevsky,theauthoroftheveryremarkableessayonthe\"PrejudicesofPoliticalEconomistsagainsttheCommonOwnershipinLand,\"anessaywhichformsthebaseofthesocialcreedoftheso-calledNihilists。 TheprojectofemancipationelaboratedbyGovernmentofficialsisasortofcompromisebetweenthesecontradictoryopinions。Itstartswiththeideaofatemporarymaintenanceofthecommonownershipinland,butadvocatescertainmeasuresfavourabletothedevelopmentofprivateproperty。Anewredistributionofthesharesisallowedonlywhenitisdemandedbytwo-thirdsofthepersonsvotingatthevillageAssembly。 EverypersonpayingbacktotheGovernmentthemoneyadvancedtohim,inordertoremuneratethelandlordforthegroundhehasbeenobligedtoyield,isimmediatelyacknowledgedtobetheprivateproprietorofhisshare。TheschemeoftheSlavophilesandtheRadicalsrequiredasimplemajoritytomakelegalthevillagedecisionconcerninganewre-distributionoftheland; theywere,andarestill,opposedtotherecognitionofprivatepropertyonthepartofthepeasantwhohasboughtbackhisshareinthecommonland。 Veryimportant,too,wastheservicerenderedbythepressontheimportantquestionoftheamountoflandwhichthefeudallordshouldberequiredtoleaveinthehandsofhisliberatedserfs。Mostwriterswereinfavourofleavingtothepeasantsthequantityoflandtheyactuallyoccupied;\"for,\"saidthey,andnotwithoutreason,\"thisamountmust,nodoubt,correspondtothenecessitiesoftheirexistence,astheamounthasbeenaccordedtothembythelandlordfornootherpurposebutthatofmerelysupportinglife。\"Fewadvocatedthedesirabilityofestablishingineachprovinceacertainmaximumandminimumoflanddonation。Themembersofthecentralcommitteewerefavourabletothefirstscheme;andifthelastprevailed,andfounditsexpressioninthelaw,theexplanationistobefoundintheoppositionwhichthefirstplanmetwithonthepartofthenobilityandtheirchiefsupportersinthehigherofficialcircles。 Oneimportantquestionarose,whetherthelandlordshouldstillkeepacertainexecutiveauthoritywithinthelimitsofthetownship;orwhethertheinnerlifeofthevillagewasthenceforthtobesubjecttonootherrulesthanthoseissuedbythevillageAssemblyandputinforcebyitselectedchiefs,theeldersorstarostas。Thepressalmostunanimouslyexpresseditsdesiretoseetherealisationofthelatterplan。Thecountrypeople,saidthepress,requiredcompleteliberty,or,tousethepopularexpression,\"pureliberty。\"NowthislibertywasinconsistentwiththemaintenanceofrightssuchasthoseexercisedbytheGermannoblemenintheBalticprovincesorthejunkersofEasternPrussia。Theonlywaytorenderanyrevivalofpersonalservitudeimpossiblewastoestablishthesystemofpeasantself-government。Opinionsdifferedonthequestionastowhetherthelandlordoughttobeamemberofthetownshipornot。 TheRadicalswereagainstit,andtheSlavophilesdidnotattachgreatimportancetoit,thinkingthatthelandlordwouldfeelhimselfquiteisolatedamidthecrowdofhisformersubjects。TheLiberalsalonewerefavourabletotheideaofincreasingthenumberoftownshipmembersbyadmittingallresidents,withoutdistinctionofclass,tovoteinthevillageAssembly。Theiradvicedidnotprevail,andthecommunebecameaclassinstitution,tothegreatdisadvantagebothofthepeasantsandofthewholeState。 Oneofthemostdifficultpointswasundoubtedlythatoffixingtheamountofremunerationwhichthelandlordoughttoreceive,notforthelossofhisrightoverthepersonofhisformerserf,butforthatofthelandhewasobligedtocedeinhisfavour。Thequestionwasthemoredifficultbecausetheland,inmorethanonepartofRussia,hadreallynomarketpriceatall,thenobilityandgentrybeingaloneallowedtobidforit。 Thepress,reasonablyenough,insistedonthenecessityofestablishingacorrespondencebetweentherevenuethepeasantgotfromhisshareandtheamountofremunerationpaidforittothelandlord。Butsuchwasnottheopinion,eitherofthecentralorlocalcommittees;andwemustlayontheirshoulderstheresponsibilityofthefact,thatitwastheamountofpaymentsinkindandthequantityofvillein-serviceperformedbythepeasant,whichwereselectedasthebaseofvaluation。Thiscertainlywasagainsttheinterestsofthepeasant,highlyoverchargedashewasbythemanoriallord,whoobligedhimtopayrentsmuchsurpassingtherevenueofthelandhecultivated。 Bynotadoptingonthispointtheviewsentertainedbythepress,thereformers,asyoueasilysee,didagreatsocialinjustice。 ItwasthepressalsowhichfirstagitatedthequestionofthedesirabilityofthedirectinterferenceoftheGovernment,inordertofacilitatetheexpropriationofthenoblemaninfavourofthepeasants。Theheadofthecentralcommittee,Rostovzov,aswehavealreadyseen,thoughtthefinancialdifficultiesofsuchameasureinsurmountable。Suchwasnottheopinionofthepress,whichpredictedthattheissueof\"rentes,\"orGovernmentbonds,securingtothelandlordacertainpercentageonthecapitalwhichheshouldcedetothepeasantintheformofland,wouldnotlowerthevalueofthepapermoneyalreadyincirculation。Itwasfortunatethatintheendthismethodwasadopted,fortheprophecywasnotonlyrealised,buttheinterestsofagriculture,andconsequentlyofthecountrygenerally,wereconsiderablyadvancedbythecapitalpaidintheformofthesebondstotheexpropriatedlandlords。Morethanonegreatlandownerwasdeeplyindebtatthetimeemancipationtookplace;veryfewhadthecapitalneededfortheeconomicarrangementsrequiredforthesubstitutionofthepaidworkofthefreepeasantfortheunpaidworkoftheserf。Theyobtaineditbysellingormortgagingthe\"rentes\"orbondspaidtothembytheGovernment。 Wethereforefindthatonallpointsthepresswastheguide,theauthoritativeadviser,thesureallyoftheGovernment。ThislastcharacterplainlyappearedinthestrugglewhichthecentralcommitteehadtomaintainwiththedelegatesoftheprovincialCommittees。Thesebodieswerecomposedexclusivelyofmembersofthelocalnobility,andwereempoweredtopresenttheiropinionsontheimpendingreform。UnconsciousofthealterationwhichhadtakenplaceintheintentionsoftheGovernment,theyexpressedideasincompleteaccordwiththoseatfirstentertainedbytheEmperor。Themajorityineachcommittee,seeingthatitwasimpossibleunderpresentcircumstancestomaintaintheiroldrightsoverthepersonoftheserf,consentedtorecognisehisfreedom,andthatwithoutpay。Theywereanxiousaboutonethingalone——toretainasfaraspossibleintheirownhandsthelandactuallypossessedbythepeasant。Thisfeelingwasthestrongerwherethesoilwasrich,aswasthecaseintheCentralandSouthernGovernments,wheretheblacksoilprevails。Itwaslesssointhewestandnorth,wherethegroundyieldedbutasmallrent。Wefindacompleteunanimitybetweentheutterancesofthecentralandsouthernnobles,bothinsistingonthenecessityoflimitingtheexpropriationofthelandinfavourofthepeasantstothatoccupiedbytheirhomesteads,whilstinthenorthmorethanonecommitteeconsentedtoextendthistothearablelandandtheundividedcommon。 Theprovincialcommitteeswerealmostunanimous(Ispeakofcourseonlyofthemajorityoftheirmembers)intheirrequestthattheindividualsharesofeachpeasanthouseholdshouldbereadjustedaccordingtoacertainmaximumandminimumfixedforeachprovince。Manyacommitteeinsistedonthemaintenanceoffeudalpolice,ifnotoffeudaljustice,andallshowedanequalinterestinthesuppressionoftheuncontrolledpowerofthebureaucracyinmattersofprovincialadministration。 Theminoritiesofalmosteverycommittee,whoweremoreorlessinfluencedbythepress,approachedmuchmorenearlyintheirrequesttotheviewsentertainedbythemajorityinthecentralcommittee。Theygavetheirconsenttotheplanofexpropriatinginfavourofthepeasantsapartofthenoblemen’slands;theyinsistedontheparticipationoftheGovernmentintheactofredeemingtheareaformerlyallottedbythelandlordstotheserfsoftheirrespectivemanors;theystronglyopposedtheschemeofatransitorystateinwhichthepeasant,unabletobuybackthelandheowned,wascondemnedtocontinuehisvilleinserviceandhisfeudalduesorpaymentsinkind。AtthesametimetheyputforwardcertaingeneraldemandswhichwentmuchbeyondthepromisesalreadygivenbytheGovernment。Theymaderequestsforageneralchangeintheexistingsystemofprovincialadministration。Accordingtothesebureaucracyshouldgiveplacetoasystemoflocalself-government。Theyinsistedonthenecessityofamendingthedeficientjudicialorganisation。Theydemandedtrialbyjuryandlibertyofthepress。SomeofthememberswentevensofarastodrawuparesolutioninfavourofthegeneralrepresentationofthepeopleandtherevivaloftheancientsystemofNationalCouncils,theSobors。 WemustnotlosesightofthesepoliticalrequirementsifwewishtounderstandwhyitwasthattheGovernment,assoonasthedeputiesbothofthemajorityandtheminorityofprovincialcommitteeswereassembledinPetersburg,hinderedtheirgeneralmeetings。Itwasbutseparatelythateachofthedelegateswasadmittedtoputforwardhisrequests,andtogiveoraladvicetothemembersofthegeneralcommittee。ThismistrustonthepartoftheGovernmentembitteredmorethanoneofthedelegatesagainstthemembersofthecentralcommittee,andthrewthemintothearmsofthatminoritywhich,inthecentralcommitteeitself,defendedtheinterestsofthenobility。Itwaschieflycomposedofthe\"Marshal\"ofthePetersburgnobility,CountPeterSchouvalov,MrAprakasin,whooccupiedthesamepostintheGovernmentofOrel,andMrPosen,thedelegateofPultawa。Thesethreegentlemeninsistedonthedesirabilityofkeepingthelandinthehandsofthenobility,andofgrantingtothepeasantryonlyasortofsoccage-tenure,or\"censive,\"onthelandtheyoccupied。WhilstthemajorityofthecommitteeinsistedonthedirectinterferenceoftheGovernmentintheredemptionofthenoblemen’sland,andtheproprietyofputtinganendtovillein-service,atanyrateafteraperiodoftwelveyears,thesegentlemenwereinfavourofleavingtoafreecontract,enteredintobythemanoriallordandhisformerserfs,thedifficulttaskofsettlingtheirfuturerelations。ItwasinthehouseofSchouvalovthatthediscontenteddelegatesregularlyassembled;itwastherethattheydrewupthisprotestagainsttheactionofthecentralcommitteeandtheso-called\"encroachmentsofthebureaucracy。\"Theirappeal,madeintheformofapamphlet,publishedinLeipsig,andaddressedtothenewdelegatessummonedtoPetersburgfromtheprovincesnothithertorepresented,foundareadyhearing,andtheGovernmentencounteredinthesenewhelpersevenalargeramountofmistrustandill-willthanthatalreadyshownbytheirpredecessors。 Thistimetheoppositionofthenobilitywasofmuchgreaterconsequence。GeneralRostovzov,whoseinfluenceovertheCzarwasverygreat,diedsuddenly,beforethecompletionoftheworkentrustedtohiscare,andCountPanin,anavowedfoetotheactionofthecommittee,becameitsPresident。Hedidhisbesttoinducethememberstoabandontheirformerdecision;anditisonlytothefirmnessofcharactershownbymenlikeNicholasMilutine,thatweareindebtedforthestrictmaintenanceofthegeneraloutlinesoftheformalreadyelaborated。Findinghimselfpowerlesstochangethedecisionsofthecommittee,Panintriedtoarousesomeoppositiontotheschemepublishedbyit,amongtheranksofthatgeneralcommitteeofwhichthecommitteefortheelaborationofthelawofemancipationwasbutasection。HetriedtoachievethesameendsintheCouncilofState,wheretheschemeofthenewlawhadfinallytobediscussed。Happilythetimeallowedforthedebateswasverylimited,astheGovernmentinsistedontheimmediaterealisationofthelong-promised\"liberty。\"Theylastedinthegeneralcommitteebutafewmonths,whileintheCouncilofStatetheywerelimitedtoafortnight。 Itisduetothisfactthatneitherofthetwoboardsintroducedveryextensiveamendmentsintheemancipationlaw。Thosetheydidmakewereallinfavourofthenobility。Themostmischievousconsistedintheconsiderablediminutionofthemaximumandminimumsharesaccordedtothepeasant,andintheresolutionthatnorightswouldberecognisedasbelongingtothevillagersinthecommonpasturesofthemanor。Theinterestsofthepeasantswerealsosacrificedinthepermissionwhichwasgiventothelandlordstodiminishthesharesofthepeasants,ontheconditionofrenouncingallremunerationforthegroundwhichtheyceded。Inallthesemeasuresthedemandsofthenobleswerecompliedwith。 Butthegreatendsatwhichthereformersaimed,theliberation,thatistosay,ofthepeasantfromallpersonaldependenceonthemanoriallord,andthesecuringtohimtherightofpossessinglandincommon,wereneverthelessattained。 ThelawofFebruary19,1861,wasthebeginningofanewera—— aneraofdemocraticdevelopment,aswellasofeconomicandsocialgrowth,fortheimmenseEmpireoftheCzars。Forthereisnodoubtaboutthevastinfluencewhichthelawof1861hasexercisedinalldirections。Itisthatwhichmademorethantwentymillionsofpeopleatoncethefreedisposersoftheirowndestiniesandthecommunisticownersoftheland。Villeinservices,rentsinkindandinmoney,feudalmonopolies,andmanorialjurisdiction,ceasedtoexist,andthepeasantbecamethememberofaself-governingbody,ortheMir。Theideasofsocialjusticeandofequalitybeforethelaw——ideashithertocherishedbutbyafewdreamerssuchasRadischevandHerzen,orrevolutionistslikethoseso-called\"Decembrists,\"whoorganisedtherebellionofDecember24,1825——madetheirtriumphantentryintotheRussianworld,workingacompletechangeintheorganisationofpublicschools,admittingthesonofthepeasanttositsidebysidewiththesonofthenoblemanandthemerchantinthesamegrammarschoolandthesameuniversity,revolutionisingbothofficialcirclesandthedrawing-room,admittingtobothpersonsoflow。birthbuthigheducation。 Theemancipationoftheserfcertainlywasnotcarriedoutwithoutsomelosstotheland-owninggentry,butthesquiresoonrecoveredfromthestateintowhichhewasbroughtbyhisinexperienceinthemanagementofhisestatewithoutthehelpofunpaidservants。Capitalwasinvestedinland;agriculturalmachineswereintroduced;theyearlyincomebegantoriserapidly,andwithitthevalueofthelandwasaugmented。Itwaspartlyenhancedbythefactthatitwasthrownopentothefreepurchaseofallclassesofsociety,whileprevioustothereformthehigherclassalonewasentitledtoownit。Insteadofabandoningthetillageofthefields,accordingtotheexpectationofsomepessimists,theliberatedserfsoonbecametheregularfarmerofthelandspossessedbythegentry,andentirevillagecommunitieshavebeenseenduringtheselastfewyearsrenting,underconditionsofmutualresponsibility,thelandofaneighbouringestate。 IfweinvestigatetheindirectresultsofthegreatreformaccomplishedbytheEmperorAlexander,wearefirststruckbythefactthatitinvolvedthenecessityofacompletechangeinprovincialadministration。Justiceandpolicehadhithertobeeninthehandsofpersonselectedbythenobility。Thiscouldnolongerbetoleratedthemomenttheserfwasliberatedfromhisprevioussubjectiontothenobleandsquire。Asystemofprovincialself-government,basedontheprincipleofrepresentationofthewholeland-owningclass,bothprivateproprietorsandthosepossessinglandincommon,wasintroducedinitsstead。Theorganizationofjusticewascompletelychanged,learnedjuristsoccupyingtheplaceoftheignorantmagistratesofoldwhohadbeenappointedbytheprovincialgentry。Thepeople,asmembersofjuries,wereadmittedtoashareintheexerciseofcriminaljustice。ThetransformationofthemedievalStateintoonethatansweredtotherequirementsofmoderncivilisationwouldhavebeencompletediftheLiberatorofmillionshadnotbeenslaughteredontheverydayonwhichhehadundertakentogiveaconstitutiontohispeople。 Yearsofviolentreactionhavefollowed。Thefeudalparty,whosesecretdesignshadbeendefeatedbythemodeinwhichemancipationhadbeeneffected,againgottheupperhand;andmodernRussianowlooksbacktotheperiodof1861asthegoldenageofRussianLiberalism。ItisintheworkofthemenwhoweredirectlyengagedincarryingoutthegreatreformthatRussianLiberalsseekconsolationandhelp;andtheNineteenthofFebruaryhasbecomeforthemadayofgeneralandofgratefulcommemoration。 NOTES: 1。CompareV。Somevsky,\"ThePeasantQuestioninRussiaduringtheEighteenthandNineteenthCentury\",Petersburg,1888。 2。\"TheVillagefromPetersburgtoNovgorod。\" 3。Seehiswork,entitled\"TheFallofBondageinRussia,\" Petersburg,1883。